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f'rom   (he  painliif^  in   possession   of  the   Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania. 

William    Penn 

Fou?2der    of  Ve?insylvania 


JOHN    W.    GRAHAM,    M.A. 

Author  of  "  The  Destruction  of  Daylight  "  "  Evolution  and  Empire,' 
"  IVar  from  a  Quaker  Toint  of  FiervJ* 



f  / . ' -/ 



For  many  years  there  has  been  no  life  of  William  Penn  in 
print ;  nor  has  a  "  Life  "  in  the  usual  sense,  ever  been 
written  by  an  English  Friend. 

It  is  true  that  the  basis  of  all  the  biographies  is  the 
"  Account  of  the  Author's  Life,"  by  Joseph  Besse,  pre- 
fixed in  1726  to  his  edition  of  Penn's  Collected  Works, 
issued  in  two  folio  volumes.  That  invaluable  record  is, 
however,  of  the  nature  of  annals,  memoranda  which 
are  material  for  a  history,  rather  than  a  history  itself. 
It  has  all  the  value  of  a  contemporary  M  S.,  for  Besse 
says  it  was  chiefly  extracted  out  of  Penn's  own  private 

Of  the  same  character  is  the  "  History  of 
Pennsylvania "  published  in  1797  in  two  volumes  by 
Robert  Proud,  the  master  of  the  Friends'  School  in 
Philadelphia.  He  had  access  to  careful  records  made  by 
order  of  the  Yearly  Meeting,  preserved  in  the  possession 
of  leading  Friends,  and  kept  up  to  date.  So  that  his  also 
may  be  regarded  as  of  the  value  of  a  contemporary  record. 

The  people  of  Pennsylvania  have  always  had  a  wise 
regard  for  the  importance  of  their  unique  history,  and  in 
consequence  materials  abound.  The  Historical  Society  of 
Pennsylvania  has  published  many  volumes  of  Proceedings, 
beginning  in  1826  and  still  continuing.  Vol.  III.,  part 
2,  is  full  of  Penn  material,  and  Vols.  IX.,  X.  are  the 
Penn-Logan  correspondence,  of  which  a  copy  is  at  Devon- 
shire House. 

In  modern  times  we  owe  the  best  work  in  the 
colonial  part  of  the  history  to  Isaac  Sharpless,  President 
of  Haverford  College,  and  to  my  late  friend,  Howard  M. 


Jenkins,  editor  of  the  Friends'  Intelligencer.  Isaac 
Sharpless's  work  is  in  his  "A  Quaker  Experiment  in 
Government"  in  his  "Quakers  in  the  Revolution"; 
and  in  his  chapters  on  Pennsylvania  in  "  Quakers  in  the 
American  Colonies,"  a  book  written  in  collaboration  with 
Rufus  M.  Jones  and  Amelia  M.  Gummere.  Howard  M. 
Jenkins' s  work  is  in  his ' '  Memorial  History  of  Philadelphia,' ' 
in  chapters  I. -VIII.  of  the  great  work  he  projected  and 
edited  till  his  death,  "  Colonial  and  Federal  History  of 
Pennsylvania  "  ;  and  in  his  monograph  on  "  The  Family 
of  WilUam  Penn."  All  these  books  have  been  of  great 
use  to  me. 

"  Memoirs  of  the  Private  and  Public  Life  of  William 
Penn,"  by  Thomas  Clarkson,  M.A.,  2  vols.,  1813,  was  the 
first  real  biography  attempted.  The  attractive  author 
of  "  The  Portraiture  of  Quakerism  "  felt  that  the  Society 
whose  philanthropic  work  he  aided  and  whose  Christian 
manner  of  life  he  admired  from  the  outside,  was  a  self- 
centred,  retired  and  practically  unknown  body,  with  no 
spokesmen  to  the  world ;  and  that  in  the  dearth  of  Quaker 
scholars  and  writers,  even  their  most  famous  leader  was 
little  known  either  to  themselves,  or  outside  their  select 
circle.  Posterity  is  greatly  indebted  to  him  for  his  work  ; 
but  its  usefulness  has  long  been  over ;  his  style  is 
monotonous  and  pious  and  not  now  easily  read,  his 
knowledge  was  very  imperfect,  compared  with  what  is 
now  known,  and,  as  a  good  eighteenth  century  Evangelical, 
he  did  not  really  understand  early  Quakerism. 

In  the  middle  of  the  nineteenth  century  a  sudden 
interest  in  William  Penn  developed.  Macaulay,  in  his  rooms 
at  the  Albany,  Piccadilly,  was  trying  to  destroy  Penn's 
reputation — W.  Hepworth  Dixon,  editor  of  ihe  Atheno'um, 
stimulated  by  Macaulay' s  attack,  was  writing  near 
Regent's  Park  his  brilliant  and  interesting  book,  "  William. 
Penn,  an  Historical  Biography  "  ;  and  contem- 
poraneously, at  Springdale,  in  far  away  Virginia,  Samuel 
M.     Janney,    who     kept   a   school   for   the   daughters  of 


Friends,  and  was  the  leading  minister  at  the  neighbouring 
Goose  Creek  Meeting  House  of  the  "  Hicksite  "  Friends, 
was  devoting  himself,  as  a  labour  of  love,  to  his  "  Life 
of  William  Penn."  I  have  slept  in  the  room  where  he 
wrote  it,  in  the  house  among  the  tall  trees  which  his 
daughter  and  her  husband  and  children  still  occupy,  and 
contrasted  the  peace  and  sunshine  of  the  grassy  campus, 
where  the  girls  played  and  Friends'  horses  were  tethered, 
with  the  "labour  house  vast"  of  literary  thought  and 
ancient  libraries,  the  London  where  Hepworth  Dixon 
wrote.  Both  writers  published  in  185 1,  Dixon  first : 
and  they  must  have  been  an  unwelcome  surprise  to  one 
another.  But  they  are,  in  fact,  supplementary.  If  you 
want  to  be  interested,  and  to  enjoy  the  work  of  an  excellent 
literary  craftsman,  read  Hepworth  Dixon.  If  you  want 
to  know  exactly  and  fully  what  happened,  turn  to  Janney, 
whose  book  is  therefore  of  greater  value  to  his  successors. 
He  incorporates  great  masses  of  letters  by  Penn,  Logan 
and  others,  which  Dixon  would  think  dull.  All  such 
documents  in  this  book  I  have  taken  from  Janney.  Both 
books,  however,  represent  real  historical  research,  and 
remain  useful  Lives  of  Penn.  But  only  second-hand  copies 
are  obtainable, 

Dixon  ignores  Penn's  writings,  which  I  expect  he 
could  not  read  nor  really  enjoy.  He  writes  of  Penn  the 
statesman,  hardly  at  all  of  the  Quaker,  and  he  fills  out  the 
records  with  picturesque  imagination.  Janney  writes 
with  Quaker  plainness  and  caution,  in  a  very  simple 
narrative  style,  devoid  of  art.  His  book  has  unfortunately 
never  been  much  read  in  England.  But,  as  a  Friend  and 
a  minister,  he  had  William  Penn  in  his  soul. 

In  1867,  Maria  Webb  brought  out  her  charming  book, 
"  The  Penns  and  Peningtons  of  the  Seventeenth  Century  " 
on  which  many  of  us  were  brought  up.  It  contains  new 
matter  on  the  domestic  side,  and  includes  in  a  short 
volume  the  families  of  Springett,  Penn,  Penington  and 
EUwood.     It  is  a  woman's  book  and  no  worse  for  that. 


In  1872,  Hepworth  Dixon  issued  a  more  popular 
version  of  his  book,  called  "  A  History  of  William  Penn," 
much  shortened  and  without  references. 

In  1882  Dr.  Stoughton  compiled  a  Life  of  William 
Penn  for  Messrs.  Hodder  &  Stoughton,  in  connection  with 
the  Bicentenary  of  Pennsylvania. 

Perhaps  I  may  venture  to  add  that  my  own  interest 
in  the  subject  began  when,  in  1882,  on  the  day  of  the  200th 
anniversary  of  William  Penn's  landing  in  America,  I 
contributed  a  youthful  paper  on  "  Pennsylvania  as  a 
Political  Experiment  "  to  the  Political  Society  at  King's 
College,  Cambridge,  afterwards  published  in  two  parts 
in  the  Friends'  Quarterly  Examiner,  1883  and  1884.  It 
was  based  chiefly  on  Proud  and  Dixon  and  Pennsylvania 
Historical  Society  Proceedings.  I  am  glad  now  to  have 
the  opportuniy  cf  completing  a  long  cherished  design. 
No  original  investigation  into  M.S.  sources  has  gone  to  the 
making  of  this  volume.  For  the  purpose  of  a  book  of  this 
size  these  have  already  been  well  worked  over.  Nor  would 
any  one  undertake  such  a  task  at  the  moment,  knowing  that 
Albert  Cook  Myers  is  at  Devonshire  House  and  elsewhere 
collecting  in  enormous  trunks  every  scrap  of  matter  written 
by  or  about  Penn,  to  be  published  in  the  fulness  of  time  in 
some  fifteen  or  twenty  monumental  volumes  under  the 
patronage  of  an  influential  committee  in  Philadelphia. 
Other  writers  must  await  his  results  with  due  modesty 
and  fear. 

In  this  volume  I  have  given  greater  space  to  the 
enormous  volume  of  William  Penn's  writings  than  has 
been  given  before,  and  I  have  tried  to  bring  out  his 
personal  characteristics,  so  that  he  may  be  no  longer 
regarded  as  just  one  of  the  mythological  heroes  of 
Quakerism,  but  as  a  living  and  striving  man. 

J    W.  G 
Dalton  Hall,  Manchester. 
October,  1916. 






















PARENTAGE                     -                 -                 -  "13 

YOUTH              -                 -                 -                 -  -  19 

A  QUAKER      -                 -                 -                 -  -  32 

THE   TOWER  OF  LONDON          -                 -  -  39 

THE  RIGHTS  OF  JURIES,  167O                  -  "  5^ 

BEREAVEMENT  AND    COURTSHIP           -  *  5^ 

NEWGATE        -                 -                 -                 -  -  71 

1672-75  -  -  -  -  78 
NEW  JERSEY  -  -  -  "99 
HOLLAND  AND  GERMANY,  1677  -  "  I07 
HIGH  POLITICS,  1678-80  _  -  -  115 
MENT, 1681-2  -  -  -  -  133 
IN  PENNSYLVANIA,  1682-4  -  ^54 
COURTIER,  1684-8  _  -  -  -  167 
HUNTED  AND  HIDDEN,  1689-93  -  -  186 
PENNSYLVANIA,  1684-1699  -  -  -  213 
THE  BATTLE  OF  LIFE,  1693-1699  -  "  228 
IN  PENNSYLVANIA  AGAIN,  1699-I7OI  -  249 
THE  FORDS  _  -  -  -  29I 
LAST  DAYS  -  -  -  -  296 
BIBLIOGRAPHY  -  -  -  -  314 
CHRONOLOGY  _  _  -  -  318 
INDEX  -----  323 
NOTES  ON   THE   ILLUSTRATIONS             -  '  329 


PORTRAIT  OF  PENN  IN  ARMOUR  -  -     Frontispiece 

ADMIRAL    PENN           -                 -                 -                 -                 "33 

GATEWAY  OF  NEWGATE  1666  -  -  -  48 

HOUSE,    LONDON  -  -  -  "50 


AND   MEAD   TRIAL                -                 -                 -                 "  5^ 

GULIELMA    MARIA    PENN         -                 -                 -                 -  64 



JORDANS    MEETING   HOUSE    -                 -                 -                 "95 

MAP   OF    PENNSYLVANIA         _                 -                 -                 -  128 

CITY   OF    PHILADELPHIA    IN    I718      -                 -                 -  156 

PENN'S   treaty    WITH   THE    INDIANS                -                 -  160 

INDIAN    VERSION    OF    PENN'S   TREATY              -                 -  161 


ACCOUNT   OF    DEATH    OF    GEORGE    FOX     -                 -  I92 

PENN'S   cottage,    PHILADELPHIA      -                 -                 -  224 

PORTRAIT   OF   HANNAH    PENN               -                 -                 -  238 

PORTRAIT   OF   WILLIAM    PENN    IN    MIDDLE    LIFE          -  24I 

JAMES    LOGAN               -----  256 

INDIAN    WALK   MONUMENT   OF    I737                   -                 -  288 

THE    BEVAN    MEDALLION    OF   WILLIAM    PENN                 -  296 

JORDANS    BURIAL   GROUND                     -                  .                 -  304 



WiLiiAM  Penn's  immediate  ancestors  were  seafaring 
adventurers  of  some  distinction,  and  his  more  remote 
forerunners  were  English  squires.  In  the  southern  part 
of  the  county  of  Bucks,  till  lately  secluded  in  its  lovely 
woods  at  a  safe  distance  from  all  railways,  but  now  being 
reached  by  the  longest  suburban  tentacles  of  London, 
planting  red-tiled  villas  here  and  there  wh^re  the  Great 
Central  and  Metropolitan  Railways  run — in  this  beautiful 
district,  bounded  by  the  Thames,  is  a  parish  called  Penn. 
And  here  the  Penns  of  Penn  lived  in  former  days  for  many 
generations.  Howard  M.  Jenkins,  in  his  invaluable 
book  on  "  The  Family  of  William  Penn,"  gives  strong 
reasons  for  believing  that  all  the  Penns  originally  came 
from  Wales. 

A  branch  of  this  family  occupied  a  smaller  estate, 
with  residences  at  Penn's  Lodge  and  Minety  in  the 
north  of  Wiltshire.  William  Penn's  grandfather's  grand- 
father, also  a  William,  was  the  last  of  these,  and  at  his 
death,  in  1592,  the  estate  was  sold.  This  man's 
grandson,  our  hero's  grandfather,  Giles  by  name,  started 
life  afresh  as  a  sea  captain  and  trader  at  Bristol.  His 
most  frequent  voyages  were  to  the  towns  held  by  the 
Barbary  pirates  in  northern  Africa,  and  he  developed 
trade  connections  with  them.  It  was  a  dangerous 
business,  for  the  Spaniards  had  a  paper  blockade  against 
the  Barbary  ports.  Finding  that  there  were  some 
hundreds  of  English  men  and  women  kept  as  captives 


in  the  pirate  stronghold  of  Sallee,  he  interested  himself  in 
trying  to  have  them  liberated,  and  Sallee  reduced  to 
order  and  to  submission  to  the  Emperor  of  Morocco 
from  when  it  had  revolted.  He  was  already  known  to 
King  Charles  I.,  having  brought  him  Tetuan  hawks  and 
Barbary  horses,  and  on  his  advice  and  with  his  guidance  a 
British  fleet  under  Admiral  Rainsborough  set  out  to 
clear  out  the  pirates  and  liberate  the  captives.  They 
succeeded,  and  on  the  prayer  of  the  London  merchants, 
Captain  Penn  was  sent  out  in  1637  as  British  Consul  to 
Sallee,  now  under  the  authority  of  Muley  Mohammed, 
Emperor  of  Morocco. 

The  trading  business  and  the  ship  were  taken  over 
by  his  son  William,  the  future  Admiral,  at  the  early  age 
of  seventeen.  When  he  was  twenty-one,  he  received  a 
Commission  in  the  Royal  Navy.  Next  year  he  was 
married  to  Margaret,  daughter  of  John  Jasper,  a 
Rotterdam  merchant. 

The  absence  of  knowledge  about  William  Penn's 
mother  is  unfortunate  for  his  biographer.  One  wonders 
whether  there  is  anything  in  his  heredity  on  his  mother's 
side,  to  account  for  him.  Among  the  Penns  he  seems  a 
kind  of  isolated  sport.  Neither  among  his  fore-elders 
nor  among  his  descendants  do  we  know  of  anyone 
resembling  him,  except  that  his  father  had  great  ability 
and  some  religious  perception,  and  his  son  Springett 
promised  to  be  a  sympathetic  soul.  Since  all  the  bio- 
graphers wrote  there  has  been  unearthed  information 
which  makes  out  Margaret  Jasper  more  likely  to  be 
Anglo-Irish  than  Dutch,*  The  name  is  English,  and  no 
record  of  such  a  name  has  rewarded  some  search  into 
Rotterdam  records.  The  new  information  states  that 
John  Jasper  and  his  wife  Marie  (a  name  which  sounds 
foreign)  and  family  lived  at  Ballycase,  Co.  Clare,  before 
1641.     Also  before  that  date  his  daughter  Margaret  was 

*  Albert  Cook  Myers,  in  Journal  of  Friends'    Historical   Society,    1908 
(Vol.  v.,  p.  118), 


married  to  Nicasius  Van  der  Scure  or  Van  der  Schu-ren  of 
Kilconry,  Co.  Clare,  by  the  rites  of  the  Anglican  church. 
This  is  from  the  register  of  Attestations  of  the  Dutch 
Reformed  Church  of  Austin  Friars,  London.  This  fact, 
and  his  name,  would  point  to  the  husband  being  a  Dutch- 
man. He  died  very  soon,  and  as  Margaret  Van  der 
Schuren,  his  young  widow  was  married  to  Captain  Wm. 
Penn  at  S.  Martin's  Church,  Ludgate,  London,  on 
January  6th,  1643,  old  style,  or  1644  new  style.  A.  C. 
Myers  has  it  June  6th,  1643 — but  as  Pepys  attended  a 
wedding-day  dinner  at  Admiral  Penn's  on  January  6th, 
1661-2,  where  there  were  eighteen  mince  pies  to  notify 
eighteen  years  of  married  life,  we  must  I  think  accept  that 
date.  These  scattered  hints  would  fit  most  easily  into  a 
suggestion  that  the  Rotterdam  merchant  was  Anglo-Irish 
or  English  by  race,  and  that  her  name  was  the  only  Dutch 
feature  about  the  bride.  If  Lady  Penn  was  brought  up  in 
the  west  of  Ireland,  it  is  not  unnatural  that  her  husband 
should  obtain  an  Irish  sequestrated  estate  from  Cromwell, 
rather  than  one  in  England,  of  which  there  were  many. 
Pepys,  who  may  not  have  been  well-informed,  calls  her 
Dutch.     In  his  diary  we  read  under  August  19th,  1664  : 

"  To  Sir  W.  Pen's,  to  see  his  lady  for  the  first  time,  who  is  a 
well  looked,  fat,  short  old  Dutchwoman,  but  one  that  has  been 
heretofore  pretty  handsome,  and  is  now  very  discreet,  and  I 
believe  hath  more  wit  than  her  husband.  Here  we  stayed  talking 
a  good  while,  and  very  well  pleased  I  was  with  the  old  woman." 

This  is  high  praise  from  the  spiteful  Pepys.  The 
curious  thing  is  that  Pepys  should  never  have  seen  the 
wife  of  his  neighbour  and  colleague,  with  whom  he  was 
very  intimate,  between  1660  and  1664,  particularly  at  the 
wedding-day  dinner.  It  is  clear  that  our  information  is 
very  incomplete  about  one  of  whom  we  should  like  to 
have  full  knowledge. 

William,  their  eldest  child,  the  subject  of  this  book, 
was  born  on  October  14th,  1644. 


The  young  naval  captain  was  living  on  or  close  to 
Tower  Hill,  conveniently  near  the  river,  and  his  boy 
was  baptized  in  the  church  of  All  Hallows,  Barking. 
Captain  Penn  showed  conspicuous  ability.  His  promotion 
was  rapid  and  deserved. 

We  know  that  his  mother  was  tender  and  helpful 
to  her  Quaker  son,  even  through  his  early  troubles  with 
his  father.  In  the  Restoration  period,  at  any  rate,  she 
was  a  gay  woman  of  fashion,  and  did  the  usual  riotous 
entertaining  at  their  house  in  Navy  Gardens.  Pepys 
records  that  during  the  Dutch  War  in  1665,  when  Admiral 
Penn  was  away  with  the  fleet  : 

"  Going  to  my  Lady  Ballen,  there  found  a  great  many  women 
with  her  in  her  chamber,  merry  ;  my  Lady  Penn  and  her  daughter 
among  others,  when  my  Lady  Penn  flung  me  down  on  the  bed, 
[he  was  a  little  man],  and  herself  and  others,  one  after  another, 
upon  me,  and  very  merry  we  were." 

They  were  evidently  short  of  men's  society  in  those  days 
of  war.     Pepys  again,  the  next  year: 

"  Supped  at  home  and  very  merry,  and  about  nine  to  Mrs. 
Mercer's  gate  .  .  .  and  there  mighty  merry ;  My  Lady 
Penn  and  Peg  going  thither  with  us,  and  Nan  Wright,  till  about 
twelve  at  night,  flinging  our  fireworks  and  burning  one  another, 
and  the  people  over  the  way  ;  and  at  last,  our  business  being  much 
spent,  we  went  into  Mrs.  Mercer's  and  there  mighty  merry, 
smutting  one  another  with  candle  grease  and  soot,  till  most  of  us 
were  like  devils." 

Then  to  Pepys' s  lodgings  in  the  Navy  Office,  where  they 
drank  more  and  began  to  dance.  Pepys  and  two  more 
men  put  on  women's  clothes.  They  dressed  the  maid- 
servant like  a  boy  and  got  her  to  dance  a  jig. 

"  Nan  Wright,  my  wife  and  Peg  Penn  put  on  periwigs  ; 
thus  we  spent  till  three  or  four  in  the  morning ;  mighty  merry 
and  then  parted  and  to  bed." 

It  is  the  more  baffling  not  to  know  more  of  another  side 
of  Pena's  mother,  seeing  that  this  is  what  Pepys  can  give  us, 


Captain  Penn's  naval  duty  for  some  years  was  to 
cruise  about  St.  George's  Channel  between  Milford Haven 
and  the  Cove  of  Cork.  He  became  Rear  Admiral  almost 
immediately,  Vice-Admiral  of  England  next,  acting 
about  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  General  (a  term  then 
used  in  one  or  two  cases  for  a  commander  on  the  sea  as 
well  as  on  land)  in  the  first  Dutch  war  at  thirty-two. 
His  chief  exploit  is  in  all  English  histories.  He  was 
placed  in  command  of  dne  of  the  two  fleets  which 
Cromwell  sent  against  the  Spanish  dominions  in  1655. 
Blake  was  to  operate  in  European  waters  and  Penn  in 
the  West  Indies,  where,  if  possible,  he  was  to  take  San 
Domingo  first,  and  some  place  on  the  mainland  afterwards. 
The  expedition  failed.  Venables,  the  general  on  land, 
was  defeated  in  his  attack  on  San  Domingo  ;  but,  in 
order  to  have  something  to  show,  Penn  captured  Jamaica 
on  his  way  home  without  orders,  and  so  began  the 
British  West  Indian  Empire.  Both  generals  were  stripped 
of  their  offices  and  sent  to  the  Tower  by  Oliver. 

The  fact  was  that  both  were  traitors  to  his  government. 
Penn  had  written  to  Prince  Charles  in  exile  offering  him 
the  support  of  his  army  and  fleet  when  required,   and 
Oliver's  spies  kept  him  informed  of  the  correspondence. 
Admiral    Penn    was    a    professional    sailor    and     care- 
less of  politics.     He  was  willing  to  serve  the  party  in 
power.      He   had  already   changed   his   allegiance    from 
King   to   ParHament    and    to    Protector.     He   was   now 
paving  the  way  for  a  return  to  Royalism,  when  Royalty 
returned,  and  he  duly  became  Sir  William  Penn  at    the 
Restoration.      It  was  not  a  very  noble  line  to  take,  in  fact 
it  might  be  described  much  more  severely  ;    but  it  was 
a  line  fairly  common  among  the  "  average  sensual  men  " 
of  that  time.     He  spent  five  weeks  in  the  Tower  and  was 
then  released  on  condition  that  he  lost  his  commission  as 
General,   and  left  London   to  reside  on  the   Irish  lands 
which  the  Protector  had  given  him,  the  town,  castle  and 
manor  of  Macroom  in  County   Cork,   formerly   the   pro- 


perty  of  the  Royalist  Lord  Muskerry.  Here  he  spent 
time  and  money  in  planting  and  improving  his  estate, 
and  in  buying  further  land,  raising  its  value,  in  the  three 
years  he  had  it,  to  £858  a  year.  He  was  one  of  the  many 
who  owed  much  to  the  Protector's  persistent  clemency. 
On  the  fall  of  Richard  Cromwell,  he  sailed  to  Holland  and 
offered  his  services  to  Charles. 

He  was  made  a  Commissioner  for  the  Navy,  and 
entered  Parliament  as  member  for  Weymouth.  But  he 
had  to  restore  the  Macroom  estate  to  its  original  owner. 
To  make  up  to  him  for  this,  he  was  made  Governor  of 
Kinsale,  and  out  of  the  Puritan  property  confiscated, 
Shangarry  Castle  and  estate  in  County  Cork  were 
handed  over  to  him.  His  rank  as  Admiral  was  restored; 
and  the  family  embarked  on  the  gay  and  extravagant 
career  proper  to  Charles's  friends. 

Shangarry  is  on  the  Atlantic,  bounded  on  the  west 
by  Cork  Harbour,  and  on  the  east  side  towards  Youghal 
by  an  inlet  of  the  sea,  so  that  it  is  a  peninsula,  with  sea 
breezes  bracing  the  soft  climate  of  those  parts.  The 
estate  is  four  miles  long  by  two  broad.  Its  coast  line  is 
visible  to  the  passengers  steaming  by  from  America.  It 
remained  the  chief  source  of  William  Penn's  income 
during  his  lifetime.  It  is  still  nine  miles  from  a 
railway  ;  Midleton  is  the  nearest  station,  on  the  line 
between  Cork  and  Youghal.  The  castle  is  now  a  formless 
heap  of  ruin  ;  and  the  estate  is  divided  into  two  parts, 
one  owned  by  the  Penn-Gaskells,  who  are  descendants  of 
Admiral  Penn,  and  the  other  by  the  descendants  of  a 
man  named  Durdin,  who  was  for  sixty  days  the  husband 
of  the  widow  of  William  Penn's  grandson.  This  division 
was  the  upshot  of  a  long  Chancery  case. 



Two  other  children,  Margaret  and  Richard,  were  born  to 
Admiral  Penn  and  his  wife.  When  the  children  were  still 
very  young,  they  moved  into  the  country  to  Wanstead  in 
Essex,  and  lived  there  during  the  successful  period  of  the 
Admiral's  career  under  the  Parliament  and  the  Common- 
wealth. Hainault  Forest,  close  by,  would  be  a  glorious 
haunt  for  an  enterprising  boy.  One  attraction  of 
Wanstead  was  the  nearness  of  Chigwell  Grammar  School, 
then  new  and  famous  ;  and  thither  till  he  was  about 
twelve  years  old  William  Penn  was  sent.  The  school  was 
under  rigid  statutes  and  severe  management,  and  the 
neighbourhood  was  strongly  Puritan. 

When  the  boy  was  eleven  his  father  came  out  of  the 
Tower  a  banished  and  disgraced  man  ;  and  the  family 
removed  to  Macroom,  in  County  Cork.  Here  occurred 
the  first  meeting  with  the  Quaker  Thomas  Loe,  whose 
preaching  was  to  influence  the  whole  life  of  the  boy. 

"  He  said,  while  he  was  but  a  child  living  at  Cork  with  his 
father,  Thomas  Loe  came  thither.  When  it  was  rumoured  a 
Quaker  was  come  from  England,  his  father  proposed  to  some 
others  to  be  like  the  noble  Bereans,  to  hear  him  before  they 
judged  him.  He  accordingly  sent  to  Thomas  Loe  to  come  to  his 
house,  where  he  had  a  meeting  in  the  family.  Though  William 
was  very  young,  he  observed  what  effect  Thomas  Loe's  preaching 
had  on  the  hearers.  A  black  servant  of  his  father's  could  not 
contain  himself  from  weeping  aloud  ;  and,  looking  on  his  father, 


he  saw  the  tears  running  down  his  cheeks  also.  He  (little 
William)  then  thought  within  himself,  '  WTiat  if  they  would  all 
be  Quakers  ?  '  This  opportunity  be  never  quite  forgot — the 
remembrance  of  it  still  recurring  at  times."* 

Th3  childish  event  which  is  of  importance  in  this 
biography  is  a  spiritual  experience  which  befel  the  boy 
at  the  age  of  twelve.  When  alone  in  his  room  "  he  was 
suddenly  surprised  with  an  inward  comfort,  and,  as  he 
thought,  an  external  glory  in  the  room,  which  gave  rise 
to  religious  emotions,  during  which  he  had  the  strongest 
convictions  of  the  being  of  a  God,  and  that  the  soul  of 
man  was  capable  of  enjoying  communion  with  Him. 
He  believed  that  the  seal  of  Divinity  had  been  put  upon 
him  at  this  moment,  or  that  he  had  been  awakened,  or 
called  to  a  holy  life."f 

Thus  the  religious  expert,  the  anima  naturaliter  Chris- 
tiana, shows  young.  This  impact  from  the  spiritual  world 
will  be  regarded,  as  to  its  origin,  differently  according  to 
the  different  general  theories  men  hold  concerning  man 
and  God  and  the  relation  between  them.  Every  one, 
however,  will  agree  that  the  experience  shows  a  remarkable 
sensitiveness  to  religious  impressions,  which  the.  rest  of 
his  life,  especially  his  undergraduate  days,  continued. 
For  myself,  I  see  no  reason  for  not  taking  these  impressions 
at  their  face  value,  and  believing  that  we  really  have  here 
the  record  of  a  Divine  message  sent  to  a  soul  capable  of 
receiving  it. 

The  boy  took  an  active  grown-up  interest  in  his 
father's  estate  improvements,  and  in  all  the  athletic 
enjoyments  of  the  country.  He  was  growing  tall,  graceful 
and  well  knit.  Private  tutors  attended  to  his  education, 
and  his  remarkable  ability  pointed  to  a  University  career. 
In    1660,    just  after   his  father's  fortunes   rose,   he  was 

•  "  Penns  and  Peningtons,"  p.  174,  from  the  Huntly  M.S. 

t  Clarkson  's  "Life  of  Penn . ' '  He  says  in  his  letter  to  Mary  Pennyman 
(Complete  Works,  i.  159)  that  "  the  knowledge  of  God  from  the  living 
witness,  from  thirteen  years  of  age,  hath  been  dear  to  me." 

YOUTH  21 

entered    as    a    gentleman    commoner    at     Christchurch, 

He  began  at  once  with  a  group  of  friends  to  hold 
meetings  for  exhortation  and  prayer,  "  withdrawing  from 
the  national  way  of  worship."  This  brought  down  the 
College  authorities  upon  them  as  sectaries  ;  thus 
imprudently  turning  the  bright  flame  of  devoutness  to  a 
consuming  Are,  fighting  against  spiritual  tyranny.  At  the 
age  of  sixteen  he  was  fined  for  nonconformity.  An 
open  air  meeting  held  by  his  old  acquaintance,  Thomas 
Loe,  who  was  an  Oxford  citizen,  attracted  the  boy  under- 
graduate, whose  spirit  chimed  at  once  with  the  Quaker 
gospel  of  the  Inward  Christ. 

In  his  earliest  published  work,  William  Penn  describes 
the  Universities  as  "  signal  places  for  idleness,  looseness, 
profaneness,  prodigality,  and  gross  ignorance."  Among 
the  dons  at  Christchurch,  however,  was  that  great  man, 
John  Locke,  twelve  years  older  than  young  Penn,  with 
whom  in  later  life  he  was  to  have  very  friendly  relations. 
We  do  not  know  that  any  acquaintanceship  arose  at 

About  the  spring  of  1662,  the  Admiral's  son  was  sent 
down  for  being  religious  in  too  original  a  way.  The 
Huntly  MS.t  which  is  supposed  to  have  Penn's  authority, 
states  that  he  was  sent  down  for  writing  a  book  which  the 
priests  and  masters  of  the  college  did  not  like.  The 
AngHcan  triumph  was  fresh  and  the  persecuting  spirit 

Clarkson  has  it  that  Penn  was  sent  down  for  joining 
with  other  undergraduates  in  tearing  off  the  newly  com- 
manded gowns  from  men's  backs.  This  gown  was 
supposed  to  be  a  step  towards  Popery.  The  Court  was 
at  that  time  making  definite  attempts  to  capture  the 
Universities  for  a  high  ritual,  and  the  subject  was  very 

*  Besse  has  it  1659,  but  is  sometimes  a  little  wrong  in  dates.     Anthony 
Woods  Oxford  Register  gives  1660. 

t  "  Penns  and  Peningtons,"  p.  174. 


much  alive.  There  is,  however,  an  inaccuracy  in  the 
account,  which  says  that  Robert  Spencer  participated  in 
the  ragging.  But  Penn  and  Spencer,  afterwards  Earl 
of  Sunderland,  did  not  meet  till  1663  in  France.*  The 
story  represents  an  unverified  tradition. 

As  there  are  geniuses  in  music  and  in  painting,  in  science 
and  even  in  trade,  whose  great  capacity  comes  out 
in  their  youth — Mozart's  and  Benjamin  West's,  Clerk 
Maxwell's  and  Rockefeller's ;  so  there  are  religious 
geniuses  who  are  apt  to  function  in  youth  also. 

We  do  not  all  have  it  in  us  to  become  religious  leaders. 
No  mere  virtue  will  make  us  openers  of  the  gates  of  God 
to  our  fellows.  Vision  is  unequally  distributed,  and  vision 
is  of  the  essence  of  great  religious  achievement.  Of  the 
founders  of  Quakerism,  George  Fox  was  noticeably  religious 
from  his  boyhood  ;  his  religion  drove  him  from  home  and 
friends  and  business  at  twenty-three.  Isaac  Pcnington 
was  tender  and  much  drawn  to  God  from  his  earliest 
years  ;  and  so  was  his  wife.  So,  too,  was  Margaret  Fell 
of  Swarthmoor.  No  religious  revival  comes  without 
gifted  souls  like  these  to  lead  it. 

Such  religious  geniuses  seldom  feel  at  home  among 
established  forms.  These  are  devised  to  make  a  decorous 
home  for  the  dull,  the  feeble-souled  and  the  rehgious 
slacker.  They  are  alloyed  with  errors,  and  they  substitute 
routine  for  reality  where  this  has  failed.  So  the  path  of 
those  who  have  learnt  from  youth  upwards  much  of  the 
Way,  and  know  its  landmarks,  is  often  a  path  of  thorns. 
Their  type  of  genius  does  not  lead  to  honours,  to  the 
House  of  Lords  or  to  the  National  Gallery,  but  to  mar- 
tyrdom. After  their  day  men  build  the  tombs  of  the 
prophets.  There  was  for  a  long  time  a  portrait  of 
William  Penn  in  the  Hall  of  Christchurch. 

He  thus  went  home  from  Oxford  disgraced  in  the  eyes 
of  his  father.  The  Admiral  first  argued  with  him,  then 
thrashed  him  and  finally  turned  him  out  of  doors.     But 

*  See  Penn's  letter  to  Spencer,  1683.     Janney,  p.  22. 

YOUTH  23 

he  soon  cooled  down  and  hit  on  a  better  method  of 
exorcism.  He  sent  the  boy  to  France  on  a  tour  with 
"  Persons  of  QuaUty  "  to  complete  his  education.  Robert 
Barclay,  his  friend  in  later  years,  had  a  similar  training  in 
Paris,  but  was  hurriedly  recalled  by  his  father  who  feared 
that  Rome  was  attracting  him.  William  Penn,  at  the 
wise  age  of  eighteen,  ran  real  danger  of  a  different  kind 
from  the  gaiety  and  worldly  charm  of  French  society. 
In  fact  "  a  quite  different  conversation  had  diverted 
his  mind  from  the  serious  thoughts  of  religion." 

One  incident  of  his  life  in  Paris  has  been  accidentally 
recorded.  He  gives  it  in  "  No  Cross,  No  Crown,"  as  an 
instance  of  the  foolishness  of  the  theory  of  "  honour." 
A  man  with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand  waylaid  him  at 
eleven  at  night  as  he  was  going  home,  and  demanded 
satisfaction  for  ignoring  his  polite  salutation  in  the 
street,  where  he  had  raised  his  hat  to  Penn  without 
response.  The  young  Englishman  had  never  seen  the 
bow,  but  when  his  assailant  made  several  passes,  Penn 
responded  and  succeeded  in  disarming  him,  but  did  not 
kill  or  wound  him.  He  says  the  Earl  of  Crawford's 
servant  was  by,  probably  accompanying  Penn  home  as 
one  of  the  party  travelling  together. 

Most  of  the  time  in  France,  however,  was  spent  not  in 
gaieties  in  Paris,  but  in  study  at  Saumur,  in  the  pleasant 
country  of  Anjou.  Here  he  was  taught  by  Professor 
Moses  Amyraut,  of  the  Huguenot  College.  Two  quiet 
years  of  work  here  greatly  extended  the  classical  and 
theological  knowledge  begun  at  Oxford,  and  added  a 
special  knowledge  of  the  French  language  and  literature. 
He  then  went  through  Switzerland  into  Italy  with  Robert 
Spencer,  and  had  his  first  meeting  with  Spencer's  uncle 
and  his  own  future  friend,  Algernon  Sidney,  then  living 
in  exile. 

Penn  came  home  accomplished  in  French  and  in 
polite  and  courtly  behaviour,  but  the  change  of  environ- 
ment  brought    the    old    crisis    back.      Then   came   the 


great  struggle  between  the  flesh  and  the  spirit.  Duty  to 
his  father,  a  distinguished  career  at  Court,  the  pressure  of 
his  social  circle,  found  an  echo  in  his  own  bright  and 
sprightly  disposition,  and  pointed  to  pleasure  as  his  goal. 
But  he  was  not  built  that  way.  The  power  of  the  Spirit 
overcame,  and  he  chose  the  beatitude  of  those  who  are 
persecuted  for  Christ's  sake. 

This  fierce  conflict  seems  to  us  not  so  real  nor  so  common 
as  it  was  among  these  saints  of  the  Restoration.  Are 
times  better  ?  Is  the  "  world  "  not  so  bad  as  it  was  ? 
Or  are  we  a  diluted  type  of  Christian  ?  Separation  from 
the  ordinary  ways  of  our  social  circle,  unless  in  a  few 
details,  is  not  practised  nor  required.  Perhaps,  even  then, 
"the  world"  was  not  so  bad  as  they  thought  it  was. 
We  should  however  be  presumptuous,  if  in  our  ignorance 
we  tried  to  judge  them.  What  we  must  guard  against 
is  pure  imitation  of  them,  apart  from  a  living  conviction 
of  our  own.  No  age  can  copy  another  without  losing 
sincerity  and  endangering  charity.  None  can  deride  the 
great  men  of  another  without  losing  humility  and  failing 
in  the  historical  sense. 

We  find  William  Penn  at  twenty-four  urging,  in  a  long 
epistle,  a  young  lady  friend  of  his  to  leave  her  entertain- 
ments, frolics  and  indulgences.  He  realises  how  different 
his  style  is  from  that  of  the  gallant  of  the  period  ;  and 
concludes  : 

"  I  have  not  sought  fine  words  or  chiming  expressions  ;  the 
gravity,  the  concernment  and  nature  of  my  subject  admits  no  such 
butterflies.  In  short,  be  advised,  my  Friend,  to  be  serious,  and 
to  ponder  that  which  belongs  to  thy  eternal  peace.  Retire  from 
the  noise  and  clatter  of  tempting  visibles,  to  the  beholding  Him 
who  is  invisible,  that  He  may  reign  in  thy  soul.  God  over  all, 
exalted  and  blessed  for  ever.     Farewell." 

In  order  of  time,  however,  we  have  not  yet  reached  th^s 
letter,  by  some  four  years.  In  1664  his  father  had  called 
him  home.  His  two  years  of  quiet  study  by  the  Loire 
go  far  to  account  for  the  scholarship  which  he  afterwards 

YOUTH  25 

showed  in  his  writings.  His  knowledge  of  the  text  of  the 
Bible  was  great,  and  his  quotation  of  it  ready  and  volumin- 
ous. He  was  an  easy  reader  of  the  classics ;  Dutch  he  had 
learnt  early  from  his  mother,  very  thorough  French  was  the 
result  of  his  living  at  Paris  and  Saumur,  and  he  spoke 
German  and  Italian.  He  was  evidently  by  mental  temper- 
ament a  good  linguist.  Apart  from  languages  his  studies 
were  theological,  and  so  far  on  Calvinistic  Huguenot  lines. 
This  was  the  usual  preparation  for  Quakerism.  All  the 
founders  passed  through  the  current  Calvinism,  and  their 
revolt  from  it  was  the  more  decided  and  complete,  the 
more  they  had  tried  to  harmonise  its  incongruities  and 
accept  its  essential  immorality. 

All  report  says  that  William  Penn  was  an  unusually 
handsome  man  ;  both  now  at  twenty  and  afterwards  at 
forty,  and  the  Cavalier's  long  locks  and  fine  dress  doubtless 
set  off  his  natural  good  looks.  In  every  way  the  world  was 
at  his  feet.  To  give  him  employment  he  read  law  at 
Lincoln's  Inn. 

Pepys  (always  inclined  to  be  spiteful  when  talking 
privately  to  his  Diary)  described  him  as  "  a  most 
modish  person,  grown  a  fine  gentleman."  "  Something 
of  learning  he  has  got,  but  a  great  deal,  if  not  too  much, 
of  the  vanity  of  the  French  garb,  and  affected  manner  of 
gait  and  speech."* 

One  reason  for  the  sudden  summons  to  England  was 
the  outbreak  of  war  with  the  Dutch,  whom  France 
showed  some  secret  sign  of  supporting.  So  that  it  was 
safer  to  be  on  this  side  the  Channel.  James,  Duke  of 
York,  himself  no  sailor,  was — with  the  usual  inefficiency 
which  goes  with  active  royalty — Lord  High  Admiral 
of  the  English  fleet,  and  took  one  of  the  three  squadrons 
under  his  personal  command  ;  he  therefore  took  with  him 
his  friend  Admiral  Penn,  as  "  Great  Captain  Commander," 
on  his  flagship  to  tell  him  what  to  do. 

This  made  Mr.  Pepys  very  envious. 

*  Diary.  Vol.  I.,  p.  267. 


"  That  Sir  William  Penn  should  go  in  the  same  vessel  as  the 
Duke  is  an  honour  which,  God  forgive  me,  I  could  grudge  him  for 
his  knavery  and  dissimulation."     (Diary,  ii.  235.) 

On  Penn's  advice  the  Duke  of  York  filled  up  his 
commands  with  the  tried  sailors  of  the  Commonwealth, 
Puritan  or  not.  The  result  was  victory  in  June,  1665. 
William  was  once  employed  by  his  father  and  the  Duke  to 
bear  dispatches  from  the  fleet  via  Harwich  to  King 
Charles  personally.  That  summer  of  1665  was  the 
summer  of  the  Great  Plague  in  London.  The  solemnity 
of  this  great  reality  seems  to  have  aided  William  to  throw 
off  the  frivolities  which  his  parents  were  urging  upon 
him,  and  to  come  out  victorious  in  his  inward  struggle. 
Signs  of  soberness  and  gravity  alarmed  his  father,  and  to 
prevent  any  scandalous  outbreak  of  religion  the  young 
man  was  sent  to  Ireland  to  occupy  his  mind  with  some- 
thing practical,  in  the  management  of  the  Shangarry 
estate,  and  as  clerk  of  the  cheque  at  Kinsale  Harbour.* 

First,  however,  he  was  to  call  on  the  Duke  of  Ormonde, 
the  Lord  Lieutenant,  at  Dublin.  In  the  Commonwealth 
days  he  and  the  banished  Admiral  Penn  had  drunk 
many  a  surreptitious  health  to  the  exiled  Charles  ;  and 
the  Duke  welcomed  his  old  friend's  son  and  sent  glowing 
accounts  home  of  his  gay  spirit,  charming  manners,  and 
dashing  ways. 

A  mutiny  among  the  soldiers  occurred  at  Carrick- 
fergus,  whose  castle  fell  into  their  hands.  Ormonde's 
son.  Lord  Arran,  was  sent  to  quell  it,  and  his  new 
friend  took  service  with  him.  They  had  a  stiff  task, 
but  stormed  the  fort  yard  by  yard  ;  in  the  fighting 
the  coolness  and  courage  of  the  Admiral's  son  was  marked 
by  all ;  and  Ormonde  promised  him  the  command  of  a 
company  at  Kinsale,  which  he,  having  tasted  the  joy  of 
fighting,  was  most  eager  to  obtain.  But  it  did  not  happen 
to  suit  the  Admiral,  who  preferred  that  he  should  keep 

♦  There  is  some  doubt  whether  this  was  exactly  his  position.  The 
point  is  not  important. 

YOUTH  27 

the  profitable  civilian  appointment  of  clerk  of  the 
cheque.  In  anticipation  of  his  military  rank,  however, 
the  young  man  had  his  portrait  painted  in  armour  : 
incongruous  as  it  is  we  are  glad  to  have  it,  for  as  a  Quaker 
he  never  sat  for  his  portrait.*  But  he  had  to  stick  to  his 
civil  clerkship  and  stayed  managing  the  business  of  the 
port,  auditing,  and  representing  the  Crown  on  the  business 
side.  He  became  very  intimate  with  his  father's  old 
friend  Roger  Boyle,  now  Earl  of  Orrery  and  President  of 
Munster,  one  of  the  family  who  produced  Richard  Boyle, 
the  founder  of  the  Royal  Society.  Roger's  line  was  poetry 
and  drama,  not  science.  He  gave  his  young  friend,  by 
way  of  satisfying  his  military  ambitions,  the  title  of 
Ensign  in  the  cavalry.  As  the  Dutch  were  now  masters 
of  the  seas,  Kinsale  had  to  be  guarded  with  care.  Colonel 
Wallis,  the  former  Puritan  owner  of  Shangarry  Castle, 
brought  a  suit  against  Admiral  Penn,  denying  that  his 
lands  were  forfeit  to  the  Crown.  Ireland  was  full  of  such 
suits  at  this  time  of  political  change  and  repeated  con- 
fiscations :  and  much  diplomacy  was  needed  by  the  young 
man  faced  with  the  fierce  old  Cromwellian.  His  title  to 
the  lands,  we  may  remember,  was  only  recent,  and  as 
political  as  Penn's.  Wniiam  came  over  to  London  to 
see  the  case  through  the  Land  Commissioners'  Court,  and 
the  estate  was,  as  might  be  expected  from  a  Royalist 
commission,  confirmed  to  his  father  at  the  end  of  1666. 
The  rental  was  over  a  thousand  a  year.  In  February 
1667,  his  sister  Margaret  ("  Peg,")  was  married  to  Anthony 
Lowther,  F.R.S.,  of  Marske,  Yorkshire,  a  wealthy  man  of 
good  family  and  high  character  ;  her  father  is  said  to  have 
given  her  a  fortune  on  the  occasion,  which  was  one  of 
great  display.  After  the  wedding  William  returned  to 
Cork  to  attend  to  business.  He  was  now  near  the  end  of 
the  unsettled  years  of  his  youth.  Maria  Webb,  quoting 
the  Huntly  MS.f  writes,  (p.  175)  : 

*  Granville  Penn  says  so,  but  I  think  it  is  doubtful. 
I  This  paper  is  headed  :    "  An  account  of  the  convincement  of  Wm. 
Penn,  delivered  by  himself  to  Thomas  Harvey  about  thirty  years  since, 


"  The  manuscript  goes  on  to  say  that,  on  his  second  coming  to 
Cori<,  being  the  only  one  of  the  family  there,  and  requiring  some 
articles  of  clothing,  he  went  to  the  shop  of  a  woman  Friend  in 
the  city  to  procure  them.  He  expected  she  would  have  known 
him,  but  she  did  not.  He  was  too  much  altered  from  the  days 
of  his  boyhood,  when  the  Friend  had  seen  him,  to  be  now  recog- 
nised by  her.  However,  he  told  her  who  he  was,  and  he  spoke  to 
her  of  Thomas  Loe,  and  of  the  meeting  at  his  father's  house  ten 
or  eleven  years  before.  The  manuscript  says,  '  She  admired  at 
his  remembering,  but  he  told  her  he  should  never  forget  it ;  also 
if  he  only  knew  where  that  person  was,  if  'twere  a  hundred  miles 
off,  he  would  go  again  to  hear  him.'  She  said  he  need  not  go  so 
far,  for  the  Friend  had  lately  come  thither,  and  would  be  at 
meeting  the  next  day.  So  he  went  to  the  meeting,  and  when 
Thomas  Loe  stood  up  to  preach,  he  was  exceedingly  reached, 
and  wept  much." 

Thomas  preached  from  the  words,  "  There  is  a  faith  that 
overcometh  the  world,  and  there  is  a  faith  that  is  overcome 
by  the  world."  Doubtless  the  sermon  reached  the  deep 
places  of  the  soul  and  laid  bare  the  meaning  of  William 
Penn's  experiences.  He  was  "  convinced"  and  became 
a  Quaker.     The  crisis  had  come. 

The  influence  of  the  obscure  and  otherwise  forgotten 
Thomas  Loe  on  his  famous  convert  on  three  occasions,  as 
boy,  undergraduate,  and  man,  is  truly  remarkable.  Per- 
haps the  impression  made  in  childhood  at  Cork,  at  an 
impressionable  age,  may  have  helped  the  later  influence 
(see  p.  33).  It  has  been  impossible  to  reach  close  touch 
with  Penn's  inward  life  between  Oxford  and  his  convince- 
ment.  But  he  has  himself  left  a  summary  account  of  it, 
relating  an  interview  with  friends  abroad.* 

"  I  let  them  know  how  and  when  the  Lord  first  appeared  unto 
me,  which  was  about  the  twelfth  year  of  my  age,  anno  1656  ; 
and  how,  at  times,  betwixt  that  and  the  fifteenth,  the  Lord  visited 

which  Thomas  Harvey  related  to  me  in  the  following  brief  manner."  It 
is  dated  1727,  and  was  kept  among  the  MSS.  of  the  Huntly  family  of 
High  Wycombe,  Bucks. 

*  Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany. 

YOUTH  29 

me,  and  the  divine  impressions  he  gave  me  of  m3'self ;  of  my 
persecution  at  Oxford,  and  how  the  Lord  sustained  me  in  the 
midst  of  that  helhsh  darkness  and  debauchery  ;  of  my  being 
banished  the  college ;  the  bitter  usage  I  underwent  when  I 
returned  to  my  father,  whipping,  beating  and  turning  out  of  doors 
in  1662.  Of  the  Lord's  dealings  with  me  in  France,  and  in  the 
time  of  the  great  plague  in  London  ;  in  fine,  the  deep  sense  he 
gave  me  of  the  vanity  of  this  world,  of  the  irreligiousness  of  the 
religious  of  it ;  then,  of  my  mournful  and  bitter  cries  to  him  that 
he  would  show  me  his  own  way  of  life  and  salvation,  and  my 
resolution  to  follow  him,  whatever  reproaches  or  sufferings  should 
attend  me,  and  that  with  great  reverence  and  brokenness  of 
spirit.  How,  after  all  this,  the  glory  of  the  world  overtook  me, 
and  I  was  even  ready  to  give  up  myself  unto  it,  seeing  as  yet  no 
such  thing  as  the  primitive  spirit  and  church  on  the  earth  ;  and 
being  ready  to  faint  concerning  my  hope  of  the  restitution  of  all 
things."  "  It  was  at  this  time  that  the  Lord  visited  me  with  a 
certain  sound  and  testimony  of  his  Eternal  Word,  through  one  of 
those  the  world  calls  Quakers,  namely,  Thomas  Loe.  I  related 
to  them  the  bitter  mockings  and  scornings  that  fell  upon  me, 
the  displeasure  of  my  parents,  the  invectiveness  and  cruelty  of 
the  priests,  the  strangeness  of  all  my  companions,  what  a  sign 
and  wonder  they  made  of  me,  but,  above  all,  that  great  cross  of 
resisting  and  watching  against  mine  own  inward  vain  affections 
and  thoughts.  " 

This  is  a  record  of  development,  of  effort,  of  the  strivings 
of  a  living  thing,  of  a  soul  growing  to  maturity.  The  men 
most  temperamentally  religious  conform  to  this  type, 
normally.  A  strong  emotional  uplift  in  childhood,  a  clear 
view  of  the  Divine  nature  and  Presence  then,  but  after  that 
much  pilgrim  work,  doubts,  strivings,  changes  of  faith,  the 
alternations  of  gaiety  with  moodiness  which  his  parents 
noticed  in  William  Penn,  and  then,  about  the  time  of  com- 
pleted manhood,  in  the  early  twenties,  a  life-long  consecra- 
tion to  a  tested  call.  Thenceforth  the  main  battle  is  outside. 
A  great  putting  forth  of  energy  results.  The  religious  or 
social  reformer  is  made.  The  great  leader  comes  when 
this  religious  gift  arises  in  a  man  whose  other  qualities 
are  attractive  or  powerful.     Beauty  of  form  and  face. 


the  mirror  both  of  gentleness  and  strength,  great  intellectual 
power,  the  best  education  then  obtainable,  dauntless 
courage,  wealth  and  rank,  added  in  William  Penn's  case 
outward  qualifications  to  the  inward  anointing. 

It  will  be  noted  that  Penn  was  thus  not  one  of  the 
original  founders  of  Quakerism,  the  "  first  Publishers  of 
Truth."  Fifteen  years  had  passed  since  the  sermon  on  Fir 
Bank  Fell,  near  Sedbergh,  in  1652,  when  the  local  groups  of 
Seekers  had  gathered  round  George  Fox  and  formed  the 
earliest  Friends'  Meetings.  Penn  was  a  boy  of  eight  at 
that  time.  He  came  late,  as  Paul  into  Christianity,  and 
brought  like  him  the  culture  of  the  upper  class  into  a  body 
founded  by  simpler  folk. 

We  have  not  given  a  particularly  attractive  account 
of  the  Admiral  ;  yet  the  bond  of  affection  between  father 
and  son  was  clearly  real  and  close.  Such  incidents  as  the 
flogging  and  expulsion  from  home  which  followed  the 
Oxford  trouble,  would  then  be  a  less  uncommon  and  less 
epoch-making  incident  between  father  and  son  than  it 
would  now ;  and  the  alienation  cannot  have  lasted  long. 
We  have  the  following  letter,  for  instance,  written  by  the 
son  to  the  father  at  sea,  from  Harwich,  on  the  morning  of 
his  arrival  with  despatches  to  the  King  in  1665,  noted 

"  From  Harwich,  23d  April,  1665. 
"  Honoured  Father  : — 

"  We  could  not  arrive  here  sooner  than  this  day,  about  twelve 
of  the  clock,  by  reason  of  the  continued  cross  winds,  and,  as  I 
thought,  foul  weather.  I  pray  God,  after  all  the  foul  weather 
and  dangers  you  are  exposed  to,  and  shall  be,  that  you  come  home 
as  secure.  And  I  bless  God  my  heart  does  not  in  any  way  fail, 
but  firmly  believe  that  if  God  has  called  you  out  to  battle,  he  will 
cover  your  head  in  that  smoky  day.  And,  as  I  never  knew  what 
a  father  was  till  I  had  wisdom  enough  to  prize  him,  so  I  can  safely 
say,  that  now,  of  aU  times,  your  concerns  are  most  dear  to  me. 
It's  hard,  meantime,  to  lose  both  a  father  and  a  friend,     .     .     . 

"  W.  P." 

YOUTH  31 

For  most  of  the  time  in  the  critical  years  now  to  be 
recorded,  we  find  the  Admiral  quietly  supporting  his  son 
wherever  he  could  help  him  in  a  tight  place,  and  the  son 
at  times  writing  almost  daily  to  his  father. 

It  is  easy  to  realise  what  a  blow  to  all  his  social 
hopes  and  excellent  prospects  was  given  to  a  worldly-wise 
parent  by  his  son's  astonishing  freak  of  joining  himself  to 
a  body  regarded  as  ignorant  Puritan  fanatics  from  the 
barbarous  north. 


A    Quaker 

Persecution  began  at  once.  A  Friends'  Meeting  was 
broken  up  in  Cork  in  September,  1667,  and  the  Friends 
haled  before  the  Mayor.  Seeing  Penn's  cavaUer  attire, 
and  finding  that  he  was  son  of  the  owner  of  Shangarry 
Castle,  the  mayor  offered  to  release  him  on  his  giving 
bond  for  his  good  behaviour.  But  he  refused  any 
advantage  over  the  other  Friends.  From  his  prison  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  his  friend  the  Earl  of  Orrery,  who  gave 
an  order  for  his  release. 

News  of  these  wretched  transactions  were  sent  by 
local  noblemen  to  the  Admiral  in  London,  and  William 
was  ordered  home.  Terrible  for  both  father  and  son 
was  the  conflict  of  conviction  battling  with  real  family 
affection  on  both  sides.  Finally,  the  father,  in  despair 
of  more,  begged  his  son  at  least  to  doff  his  hat  to  himself, 
to  the  King  and  to  the  Duke  of  York,  his  father's  friend 
and  the  heir  to  the  throne. 

Truly,  it  seems  a  little  matter  to  us,  and  even  a  sheer 
mistake  on  the  Quaker's  part.  William  Penn  asked  leave 
to  consider  it  alone.  He  came  out  from  his  private 
struggle  and  prayer  determined  to  refuse  even  that. 
We  can  sympathise  with  both  father  and  son  and  with 
human  nature  which  makes  tragedies  out  of  so  little. 

"  Hat  Honour"  can  only  be  judged  fairly  when  we 
realise  that  it  stood  then  for  much  more.  People 
wore  their  hats  at  meals.  Pepys  took  cold  by  dining 
without    one.     They    were    worn   indoors    all    the    time. 



After   the    painting   by   Sir   Peter  Lely,   at  Greenwich    Hospital. 

A  QUAKER  33 

In  church  they  were  only  taken  off  at  the  solemn  utterance 
of  the  name  of  God.  But  French  fashions  had  come  in, 
and  the  habit  of  doffing  the  hat  was  one.  It  stood 
as  the  central  symbol  of  a  wicked  way  of  life.  To 
reserve  the  act  for  reverence  to  God  alone  was  simply 
to  stand  for  the  conservative  upright  English  Puritan 
way  of  life.  It  was  really  an  unquakerly  error  to  stiffen 
a  symbol  into  the  substance  ;  but  there  were  extenuating 
circumstances.  We  know  from  other  evidence  that  the 
men  to  whom  this  apparent  crotchet  appealed  were 
neither  bigots  nor  fools. 
The  Huntly  MS.*  gives  a  narrative  of  the  critical 
moments  between  father  and  son : 

"  When  the  morning  came,  they  went  in  the  coach  together, 
without  William  knowing  where  they  were  going,  till  the  coach- 
man was  ordered  to  drive  into  the  Park.  Thus  he  found  his 
father's  intent  was  to  have  private  intercourse  with  him.  He 
commenced  by  asking  him  what  he  could  think  of  himself,  after 
being  trained  up  in  learning  and  courtly  accomplishments,  nothing 
being  spared  to  fit  him  to  take  the  position  of  an  ambassador  at 
foreign  courts,  or  that  of  a  minister  at  home,  that  he  should  now 
become  a  Quaker.  William  told  him  that  it  was  in  obedience 
to  the  manifestation  of  God's  will  in  his  conscience,  but  that  it 
was  a  cross  to  his  own  nature.  He  also  reminded  him  of  that 
former  meeting  in  Cork,  and  told  him  that  he  was  himself  at  that 
time  convinced  of  the  truth  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Quakers ; 
only  that  the  grandeur  of  the  world  had  been  felt  to  be  too  great 
a  sacrifice  to  give  up.  After  more  discourse  they  turned  home- 
wards. They  stopped  at  a  tavern  on  the  way,  where  Sir  William 
ordered  a  glass  of  wine.  On  entering  a  room  on  this  pretext,  he 
immediately  locked  the  door.  Father  and  son  were  now  face  to 
face,  under  the  influence  of  stem  displeasure  on  the  one  hand, 
and  on  the  other,  prayerful  feeling  to  God  for  strength  rightly  to 
withstand  or  hear  what  was  coming.  William,  remembering  his 
early  experience  on  returning  from  Oxford,  expected  something 
desperate.  The  thought  arose  that  the  Admiral  was  going  to  cane 
him.     But,  instead  of  that,  the  father,  looking  earnestly  at  him, 

*  "Pennsand  Peningtons,"  p.  177. 


and  laying  his  hands  down  on  the  table,  solemnly  told  him  he 
was  going  to  kneel  down  to  pray  to  Almightj^  God  that  his  son 
might  not  be  a  Quaker,  and  that  he  might  never  again  go  to  a 
Quaker  meeting.  William,  opening  the  casement,  declared  that 
before  he  would  listen  to  his  father  putting  up  such  a  prayer  to 
God,  he  would  leap  out  of  the  window.  At  that  time  a  nobleman 
was  passing  the  tavern  in  his  coach,  and  observing  Sir  William's 
at  the  door,  he  aUghted.  Being  directed  to  the  room  in  which 
father  and  son  were  together,  his  knock  came  in  time  to  arrest  the 
catastrophe.  He  had  evidently  heard  of  William's  return,  and 
of  the  Admiral's  high  displeasure.  After  saluting  the  former,  the 
MS.  says  that  '  he  turned  to  the  father,  and  told  him  he  might 
think  himself  happy  in  having  a  son  who  could  despise  the 
grandeur  of  the  world,  and  refrain  from  the  vices  which  so  many 
were  running  into.'  " 

They  paid  a  visit  before  they  returned  home  to  another 
nobleman,  and  the  discourse  with  him  also  turned 
on  the  change  in  William.  Here  again,  the  father  was 
congratulated  and  the  son's  resolution  commended. 
These  congratulations  were  cheering  to  the  young  convert, 
whatever  they  may  have  been  to  the  father. 

The  Admiral  expelled  his  son  from  home  and  threatened 
to  disinherit  him.  He  was  dependent  on  charity  and  on 
what  his  mother  privately  sent  him.  Time — indeed,  no 
long  time — mollified  and  reconciled  the  father.  His  son's 
return,  very  likely  arranged  by  his  mother,  was  regarded 
with  a  blind  eye,  though  for  a  time  his  father  refused 
openly  to  recognise   him. 

In  1668  William  Penn  began  his  service  as  a  Quaker 
minister,  which  he  was  to  keep  up  for  fifty  years.  His 
earliest  published  work  dates  also  from  this  year.  The 
flow  of  authorship  lasted  so  long  as  he  retained  his  mental 
faculties.  His  Collected  Works  include  fifty-eight  original 
volumes ;  they  cover  1,586  closely  printed  folio  pages.  His 
printed  words  reach  one  million  and  a  quarter. 

To  give  an  account  in  any  detail,  or  indeed  any  account 
at  all,  of  this  enormous  literary  output,  would  be  beyond 
our  scope  here.     Nor  would  it  be  serviceable  to  analyse  or 

A  QUAKER  35 

critically  estimate  every  work.  For  the  same  Quaker 
gospel  is  expounded  many  times  over.  Each  book  or 
pamphlet  was  written  for  its  occasion  ;  and  no  body  of 
collected  works  was  ever  in  the  author's  mind.  Never- 
theless, it  is  of  real  biographical  importance  to  understand 
the  nature  of  the  enthusiasm  which  laid  hold  on  William 
Penn  in  the  heyday  of  his  youth  and  lasted  him  with  no 
looking  back  nor  momentary  hesitation  till  the  end  of  his 
long  hfe,  bearing  him  through  persecution  and  calamity, 
and  stimulating  his  ceaseless  labour.  His  first  work,  only 
the  length  of  a  bulky  pamphlet,  will  reveal  this.  Its 
descriptive  title  page,  like  all  the  title  pages  of  that 
day,  gives  the  purpose  and  drift  of  what  follows.  It 
runs  : — 

Truth  Exalted  in  a  short  but  sure  Testimony  against  all 
these  Religions,  Faiths,  and  Worships,  that  have  been  formed  and 
followed  in  the  darkness  of  Apostasy  : — and  for  that  Glorious 
Light  which  is  now  risen  and  shines  forth,  in  the  Life  and  Doctrine 
of  the  despised  Quakers  as  the  alone  good  old  way  of  Life  and 

"  Presented  to  Princes,  Priests  and  People,  that  they  may 
repent,  believe  and  obey. 

"  By  William  Penn,  whom  Divine  Love  constrains  in  an  holy 
contempt,  to  trample  on  Egypt's  glory,  not  fearing  the  King's 
wrath,  having  beheld  the  majesty  of  Him  who  is  invisible." 

This,  properly  spaced  out,  and  with  capital  letters 
and  various  types  employed,  gave  a  vivid  summary  to 
a  possible  reader.  The  author  summons  the  various 
Churches  to  answer  his  condemnation.  First,  the  Papists 
are  attacked  root  and  branch,  on  grounds  familiar  to  all 
Protestants.  Then  the  Protestants,  i.e.,  "  those  who 
profess  the  Scriptures  for  the  Rule  of  Life  and  Doctrine," 
are  bidden  "  to  stand  their  trial  by  them."  The 
Church  of  England  is  accused  of  "  not  being  yet  got  out  of 
the  borders  of  Babylon's  form,  and  being  altogether  in  her 
lustful,  proud,  persecuting  and  wicked  nature."  The 
persecutions  under  Elizabeth,  James  I.,  and  Charles  I., 



are  mentioned,  "  but  more  particularly  the  many  thousands 
now  of  late  that  have  been  clubbed,  bruised,  imprisoned, 
exiled,   poisoned  to   death  by    stinking    dungeons,    and 
ruined  in  their  outward  estates,  contrary  to  law.  Christian 
or  human."     Upon  them  the  invective  of  Amos,  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,   and  Ezekiel  is  poured.      "  You  deny  present 
Revelation  to  any,  though,  without  it,   as    Christ    saith, 
no  man  can  know  God,  whom  to  know  is  life  eternal,  and 
place    the  ground  of  Divine  knowledge  in  human  arts 
and  sciences,  that  thereby  you  may  engross  a  function  to 
yourselves,  and  keep  up  your  trade  of  yearly  gain  upon  the 
poor  people,  preaching  sin  for  term  of  life,  thereby  render- 
ing invalid  the  glorious  power  of  the  second  Adam,  and 
indulging  people  in  transgression."     This  constant  dwell- 
ing upon  the  helplessness  of  human  nature  caused  one 
of  the  central  lines  of  protest  of  the  Society,  which  stood 
for    the    perfectibility    of    human    nature.     Our    author 
demands   Scriptural   authority,   since   the   Scriptures   are 
avowed  as  the  rule,  for  tithes,  worldly  pomp  of  Bishops 
and  their  lordship  and  authority,  for 

"  forms  of  prayer,  litanies,  responses,  singing,  choristers,  organs, 
altars,  bowing,  surplices,  square  caps,  hoods,  rockets,  fonts, 
baby-baptism,  Holy  days,  with  much  more  such  like  dirty  trash 
and  foul  superstition." 

"  Are  ye  baptized  by  the  Holy  Ghost  and  with  Fire,  crucified 
through  the  daily  cross  to  the  world,  born  again  and  your  affections 
set  on  things  above.  But  alas  !  poor  souls  !  are  you  not  at 
'  Have  mercy  upon  us  miserable  sinners,  there  is  no  health  in  us,  ' 
from  seven  to  seventy  ?  " 

The  tract  goes  on  to  lay  at  the  door  of  the  Church 
the  manifold  wickedness  of  the  Restoration  period  ;  a 
connection  inappropriate  now  and  generally  ;  but  the 
alliance  between  Church  and  Court  could  hardly  help 
occurring  to  those  persecuted  by  that  alhance. 

He  then  attacks  the  separatists  of  various  names  for 
living  on  the  tradition  of  their  Uving  founders,  "  com- 
passing yourselves  with  the  sparks   of   your   own   fire." 

A  QUAKER  37 

He  denies  their  doctrine  of  imputed  righteousness,  as  being 
a  cloak  and  excuse  for  sin,  also  the  common  (though  not 
universal)  doctrine  of  election  and  reprobation,  "whereby 
the  glorious  God  of  mercy  is  represented  more  infamously 
unjust  than  the  worst  of  men."  They  are  said  "  to  rely 
on  the  conceivings  and  apprehensions  of  other  men  and 
books  well  refuted,  whereby  God's  grace  and  light  have 
lost  their  office  of  leading  and  teaching."  I  am  afraid 
that  this  danger  is  one  to  which  every  religious  body, 
including  the  Society  of  Friends,  is  and  always  will  be, 

From  these  he  turns  to  preach  the  new  and  living 
faith  he  had  embraced  : 

"  This  is  the  second  Adam,  the  quickening  Spirit,  the  Lord 
from  Heaven,  the  new  and  spiritual  man,  the  heavenly  bread,  the 
true  vine,  the  flesh  and  blood  that  was  given  for  the  life  of  the 
world,  the  second  covenant,  the  Law  writ  in  the  heart  and  spirit, 
put  in  the  inward  parts,  the  way  in  which  the  fool  cannot  err,  the 
truth  before  deceit  was,  the  life  that's  hid  in  God,  eternal  in  the 
heavens,  glorified  before  the  world  began  ;  the  power,  the  wisdom, 
the  righteousness  of  God,  the  plant  of  renown,  the  royal  seed 
that  bruiseth  the  serpent's  head  ;  in  short,  the  grace  which  hath 
appeared  unto  all  men,  teaching  them  to  deny  ungodliness  and 
worldly  lusts,  and  to  live  godlikely  and  soberly  in  this  present 

In  such  rhetoric  and  flood  of  quotation,  does  he 
attempt  to  express  the  undefinable.  But  if  the  reader 
grasps  it,  he  has  got  at  the  heart  of  the  Quaker  message. 
In  such  storm  of  controversy  and  fierceness  of  attack  it 
was  born.  Perhaps  it  could  not,  one  may  even  say 
definitely  it  could  not,  have  come  into  existence  and  sur- 
vived without  this  fierce  fire  of  destructive  testimony, 
these  garments  rolled  in  blood.  It  needed  spiritual 
assertiveness  to  survive. 

Pepys  tried  to  read  this  book.  "  A  ridiculous, 
nonsensical  book.  I  was  ashamed  to  read  in  it,"  com- 
ments that  worthy. 


But  we  cannot  and  would  not  write  in  this  vein  now, 
of  other  Christian  bodies.  We  desire  to  hold  our  own 
with  more  urbanity  and  more  charity.  We  must  remem- 
ber that  this  tract  expresses  the  zeal  of  a  young  convert 
at  the  age  of  twenty-four. 

We  must  not  forget  nevertheless,  that  we  have  not  had 
to  meet  the  episcopal  argument  of  gaol  fever.  Very  many 
of  the  young  men  who  founded  the  Society  had  fallen 
in  the  battle  when  William  Penn  became  a  leader  :  and 
the  gaols  were,  for  a  generation,  always  full  of  martyrs. 




The  Tower  of  London 

A  CONTROVERSY  of  little  importance  in  itself  soon  came 
in  William  Penn's  way  ;  but  as  it  is  somewhat  typical  of 
the  atmosphere  of  those  days,  it  is  worth  recording, 
particularly  as  it  led  to  imprisonment  and  to  important 

A  Presbyterian  minister,  Thomas  Vincent,  whose 
"  lectures "  in  Spittleyard  were  connived  at  by  the 
Government,  lost  two  members  of  his  congregation,  a 
mother  and  daughter,  to  the  Quakers.  Hence  an  attack 
from  the  pulpit  on  their  "  erroneous  and  damnable 
doctrines."  Rather  would  the  reverend  gentleman 
indulge  in  gross  immorality  or  drink  poison  than  embrace 
Quakerism.  Fear  of  hell  and  fear  of  husband  and  father 
equally  failed  to  break  the  resolution  of  the  two  newly 
convinced  Friends.  George  Whitehead  and  William 
Penn  demanded  a  public  debate  in  the  Spitalfields 
chapel  to  clear  their  characters,  and  it  was  fixed  for 
two  in  the  afternoon.  The  Presbyterian  congregation 
were,  however,  advised  to  come  at  one  and  occupy  the 
seats.  Three  assistants  were  also  unexpectedly  provided 
for  Thomas  Vincent.  Amid  uproar  and  much  disorder 
and  abuse  the  debate  went  on  till  after  dark.  Any  less 
hopeful  environment  for  a  discussion  about  the  Trinity, 
dealing  with  substances,  subsistences,  manifestations, 
operations  and  persons,  could  hardly  be  found.  The 
matter  was  closed  in  the  unfair  manner  sometimes 
employed  in  religious  controversy,  by  Mr.  Vincent  falling 
on  his  knees  and  praying,  "  with  many  strangely  affected 



whines  "  against  his  opponents  as  blasphemers.  He  then 
dismissed  the  assembly  and  had  the  candles  put  out. 
But  Friends  continued  to  reply,  and  the  people  stayed. 
So  Mr.  Vincent,  very  pale,  came  in  with  a  candle  and 
promised  them  another  debate.  This  promise  being 
broken.  Friends  appeared  at  his  next  service,  and  spoke 
after  he  had  done,  though  he  "  slunk  away,"  and  left 
them  stranded  without  an  opponent. 
>^  This  caused  William  Penn  to  relieve  his  pent  up 
feelings  in  an  important,  though  brief  work,  "  The  Sandy 
Foundation  Shaken."  This  was  a  refutation  of  three  of 
the  current  doctrines,  viz.  : — 

1.  One  God  subsisting  in  three  distinct  and  separate 


2.  The  impossibility  of  God's  pardoning  sinners  without 

a  plenary  satisfaction. 
3,,     The  justification  of  impure  persons  by  an  imputative 

"  from  the  authority  of  Scripture  testimonies  and  right 
reason."  There  was  indeed  ample  testimony  to  his  hand 
from  both  sources.  The  three  texts  selected  for  the  title 
page  may  be  taken  as  samples. 

"  But  to  us  there  is  but  one  God,  the  Father,  of  whom  are  all 

"  Who  is  a  God  like  unto  thee  that  pardoneth  iniquity  ?  He 
retaineth  not  his  anger  for  ever,  because  he  delighteth  in  mercy." 

"  For  I  will  not  justify  the  wicked." 

It  is  a  sign  of  soundness  and  of  well-guided  freedom 
that  the  Quakers'  claim  to  direct  knowledge  of  spiritual 
things  led  them  first  to  an  attack  upon  this  preposterous 
Puritan  scholasticism.  Penn  proved  his  case,  to  a 
modern  reader's  mind,  abundantly.  "  Too  good  for  him 
ever  to  have  writ  it,"  snarls  Pepys. 

Vincent  called  on  the  Government  to  put  down  by 
force  the  writer  of  this  attack  upon  what  passed  then  for 
essential  Christian  verities.     It  happened  unfortunately 


that  Arlington  the  Secretary  of  State  had  had  and  was  still 
having  a  quarrel  with  Sir  WiUiam  Penn,  in  fact  abetting 
a  hostile  intrigue  against  his  position.  He  had  not  suc- 
ceeded as  yet  in  ruining  his  enemy  ;  but  to  attack  him 
through  his  eccentric  son  seemed  to  a  worthless  buffoon 
like  Lord  Arlington  an  excellent  chance. 

The  vulnerable  point  in  William  Penn's  position  was 
that  he  had  not  obtained  the  Bishop  of  London's  licence 
for  printing  "  The  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken."  This 
timorous  law  was  not,  in  fact,  effective  nor  usually  obeyed, 
though  recently  enacted  as  part  of  the  war  against  Non- 
conformity. It  would  however,  enable  any  plotter 
of  harm,  like  Arlington,  to  have  the  author  and  printer 
before  a  magistrate,  who  might  send  them  to  trial  for 
misdemeanour,  probably  with  bail.  But  Arlington  did 
not  wait  for  these  legal  formalities,  and  this  relatively 
mild  course.  Penn  had  called  upon  him  and  confessed 
the  technical  fault,  asking  that  his  printer,  already 
incarcerated,  might  be  set  at  hberty  and  he  the  author 
alone  be  blamed.  He  promptly  had  William  Penn 
arrested  and  sent  off  to  the  Tower,  without  charge,  or 
trial,  or  any  kind  of  authority.  This  was  in  December, 
1668.  But  he  found  a  new  difficulty  at  the  gate  of  the 
Tower.  Sir  John  Robinson,  the  Lieutenant,  refused  to 
take  him  in  without  a  proper  legal  warrant  signed  by  the 
King  in  Council,  H  he  had  done  so  he  would  have  put 
himself  into  danger,  for  Admiral  Penn  and  his  friend  the 
Duke  of  York,  might  yet  prove  stronger  than  a  fool  like 
Lord  Arlington  in  the  fortune's  wheel  of  politics. 
Robinson  was  there  because  he  was  unscrupulous,  but 
this  young  man  had  friends  who  gave  a  cautious  man 
pause,  particularly  when  one  was  getting  on  in  life,  and 
had  made  many  enemies.  Two  of  his  predecessors  had 
come  to  a  bad  end.  Sir  John  asked  Arlington  to  legalise 
the  proposed  confinement  by  a  royal  warrant. 

This  put  Arlington  into  a  difficulty.  Printing  an 
unlicensed  book  was  not  a  matter  for  the  Tower  or  a 


Royal  warrant  signed  by  the  King  in  Council.  These 
were  used  for  treasonable  conduct.  So  a  charge  of 
treason  must  be  concocted.  Arlington  interviewed 
Penn  at  the  Tower,  and  said  that  he  had  dropped  a  paper 
full  of  treason  against  the  King  on  the  floor  of  Arlington's 
house,  and  tried  to  frighten  him  into  confessing  it — a 
poor  and  desperate  trick  which  naturally  did  not  succeed, 
however  moving  were  the  Secretary  of  State's  theatrical 
gifts.  So  he  dissembled,  professed  joy  at  Penn's 
denial,  and  said  he  would  go  at  once  to  the  King  on  his 
behalf.  He  went  to  Charles  at  Whitehall,  where  as  a 
comic  entertainer  he  was  always  welcome.  Doubtless  he 
put  the  case  comically,  acted  the  Quaker,  and  then  asked 
Charles  to  help  him  out  of  the  difficulty  he  had  hastily 
got  into.  The  two  consulted,  and  then  Charles  remem- 
bered that  Penn's  pamphlet  had  been  called  blasphemous. 
This  gave  an  opening  to  the  Defender  of  the  Faith,  the 
Head  of  the  Church  in  England.  A  charge  of  blasphemy 
was  substituted  for  that  of  unlicensed  printing.  More- 
over, sending  for  the  Council's  minute  book,  Charles  held 
a  mock  meeting,  himself  and  Arlington  present,  and  wrote 
the  necessary  minute,  committing  William  Penn  to  the 
Tower  for  blasphemy.  Charles  was  usually  a  friend  of 
the  Penns,  but  he  was  given  to  understand  that  a  very 
short  dose  of  the  Tower  would  bring  the  youth  to  reason, 
and  then  he  could  easily  be  pardoned.  But  Robinson 
did  not  yet  feel  safe.  He  must  have  more  signatures. 
He  got  them.  A  hasty  council  was  convened,  and  seven 
members  signed  it. 

A  "  close  "  imprisonment  in  the  Tower  was  terribly 
severe.  The  prisoner  was  locked  up  in  his  cell  with  a 
keeper.  He  had  little  fuel  in  a  memorably  cold  winter. 
He  could,  without  special  licence,  see  no  friend — no  doctor, 
clergyman  or  lawyer.  He  could  write  no  letters  and 
receive  no  presents.  He  ate  prison  fare.  He  seems  to  have 
been  allowed  to  write  freely. 

Arlington,  however,  still  dreaded  the  future  vengeance 


of  the  Admiral,  a  man  much  more  necessary  to  the  safety 
of  England  than  himself,  or  even  than  his  patron  Prince 
Rupert.  He  gave  it  out  that  all  was  done  on  the  initi- 
ative of  the  Bishop  of  London,  whose  licence  had  been 
ignored.  The  standard  Quaker  biographies  still  state 
this  ;  and  Penn  in  the  Tower  believed  it.  It  was  reported 
to  him  that  the  Bishop  had  said  he  should  either  recant 
or  die  a  prisoner.     His  reply  was  : 

"  All  is  well.  I  wish  they  had  told  me  so  before,  since  the 
expecting  of  a  release  put  a  stop  to  some  business  ;  thou  mayest 
tell  my  father,  who,  I  know,  will  ask  thee,  these  words  :  '  My 
prison  shall  be  my  grave  before  I  will  budge  a  jot  ;  for  I  owe 
my  conscience  to  no  mortal  man.  I  have  no  need  to  fear.  God 
will  make  f  mends  for  all.  They  are  mistaken  in  me.  I  value 
not  their  threats  and  resolutions,  for  they  shall  know  T  can  weary 
out  their  malice  and  peevishness,  and  in  me  shall  they  all  behold 
a  resolution  above  fear,  conscience  above  cruelty,  and  a  baffle 
put  to  all  their  designs  by  the  spirit  of  patience,  the  companion  of 
all  the  tribulated  flock  of  the  blessed  Jesus,  who  is  the  author  and 
finisher  of  the  faith  that  overcomes  the  world,  yea,  death  and  hell 
too.  Neither  great  nor  good  things  are  ever  attained  without 
loss  and  hardships.  He  that  would  reap  and  not  labour  must 
faint  with  the  wind  and  perish  in  disappointments,  but  an  hair  of 
my  head  shall  not  fall  without  the  Providence  of  my  Father  that 
is  over  all,"* 

This  memorable  saying,  so  characteristic  of  the  author, 
has  done  some  injustice  to  the  Bishop  of  London.  For  to 
him  Charles  and  Arlington  turned  to  pull  their  chesnuts 
out  of  the  fire.  The  King  found  that  Arlington's  anti- 
cipation of  the  boy's  early  surrender  was  mistaken.  He 
sent  various  divines  to  him  to  try  to  persuade  him  of  the 
error  of  his  views.  They  reported  him  reasonable  but 
unyielding.  Penn's  father  had  yielded  to  a  Tower 
imprisonment,  in  Oliver's  time,  very  quickly.  Meantime, 
the  Admiral  was  ill,  mostly  in  bed,  unable  to  attend  at  the 

*  "  Life,"  by  Besse. 


Navy  Board,  and  surrounded  by  enemies.  His  star  was 
setting.  After  his  son  had  been  in  prison  over  three 
months,  he  managed  to  get  to  Whitehall  and  presented 
to  the  King  a  petition  for  his  release.  The  Council 
refused.  The  King  ordered  the  Bishop  of  London  to 
proceed  against  him  in  the  Consistory  Court  for  "  blas- 
phemous heresies."  But  the  Bishop  was  too  prudent  to 
do  anything  of  the  sort.  He  knew  there  was  no  blas- 
phemy in  the  "  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken."  He  wanted 
no  disturbance  or  scandal  in  his  diocesan  court.  He  did 
not  want  to  meet  in  argument  so  able  an  advocate  ; 
so  he  took  no  steps,  and,  ignoring  the  royal  instruction,  let 
Arlington  find  some  other  way  out.  The  Bishop  showed 
good  judgment  and  probably  good  will.* 

Meantime  the  Admiral  lost  his  seat  at  the  Naval 
Board  and  his  official  residence,  and  retired  to  Wanstead. 
He  was  very  ill,  and  begged  the  Duke  of  York  to  help  his 
imprisoned  son.  Penn  himself  also  wrote  a  letter  to 
Arlington  on  the  ist  of  July,  in  which  a  careful  discussion 
on  religious  toleration  with  classical  examples  was,  I 
fear,  an  instance  of  pearls  being  cast  in  a  wrong  direction. 
The  intervention  of  the  Duke  of  York  caused  Charles  to 
send  his  chaplain,  none  other  than  the  good  and  wise 
Stillingfleet,  to  see  if  he  could  come  to  such  terms  with 
William  Penn  as  to  enable  him  to  be  released.  A  great 
theologian,  and  a  large  and  charitable  soul,  was  at  last 
enlisted  to  cure  the  bungling  of  Vincent,  Arlington  and  the 
Defender  of  the  Faith.  Penn  and  he  were  kindred  spirits, 
they  were  both  young,  they  respected  one  another  and 
had  fruitful  discussions.  Under  Stillingfleet' s  advice  and 
influence  Penn  wrote  and  published  his  "  Innocency 
with  her  Open  Face."     Yield  he  would  not,  but  explain 

*  This  account  of  the  responsibility  of  Arlington  is  taken  from 
Hepworth  Dixon 'slater  volume,  "  The  History  of  William  Penn,"  1872.  It 
is  based  on  facts  discovered  since  his  former  book,  and  Janney's.  He  gives 
no  authorities  in  this  later  more  popular  book,  but  it  appears  to  be  based 
on  a  paper  read  by  John  Bruce  in  1853,  before  the  Society  of  Antiquaries, 
and  published  in  Archaeologia,  Vol.  XXXV.,  pp.  72-90.  This  reference 
is  from  H.  M.  Jenkins,  "  Family  of  William  Penn,"  p.  230. 


what  he  had  or  had  not  said,  he  could.  Stillingfleet, 
whom  he  frequently  quotes,  was  a  liberal  theologian,  and 
liberalism  is  a  great  reconciler.  The  King's  theological 
sensitiveness  was  satisfied,  and  Penn  was  released,  after 
between  eight  and  nine  months'  close  confinement. 

The  author  asserts  in  this  book  his  belief  in  the  Divinity 
of  Christ,  in  a  very  full  sense.  His  opponents  had  said 
"  in  press,  pulpit  and  talk,"  that  a  denial  of  this  followed 
from  his  denial  of  the  Trinity,  a  much  more  elaborate 
conception.  The  unity  of  Christ  and  God,  not  their 
separateness,  was  Penn's  contention.  Secondly,  though 
not  believing  in  the  need  for  plenary  satisfaction,  "  I 
believe  in  no  other  name  by  which  remission,  atonement 
and  salvation  can  be  obtained,  but  Jesus  Christ  the 
Saviour."  He  says  his  position  is  that  of  Stillingfleet' s 
"  Discourse  about  Christ's  Suffering."  He  also  believes 
in  the  Holy  Spirit,  "  as  the  same  Almighty  and  Eternal 
God."  He  concludes  by  saying  that  if  the  persecution 
of  Friends  is  to  continue,  "  our  case  can  never  change 
nor  happiness  abate,  for  no  human  edict  can  possibly 
deprive  us  of  His  glorious  presence,  who  is  able  to  make 
the  dismalest  prisons  so  many  receptacles  of  pleasure." 
William  Penn  thus  pleaded  that  Friends  were  orthodox 
Christians,  as  Christian  doctrine  was  then  understood 
in  its  broad  features,  whilst  declining  to  follow  the 
Calvinist  system. 

It  cannot,  however,  be  said  that  there  is  any  exact 
or  self-consistent  Christology  in  the  two  treatises  taken 
together.  Scripture  texts  were  freely  quoted  and  left 
to  others  or  to  intuition  to  expound  as  spiritual  insight 

His  enemies  would  have  hesitated  before  giving  eight 
months'  leisure  to  the  ardent  spirit  of  Penn,  if  they  had 
foreseen  the  use  that  would  be  made  of  it.  In  the  Tower 
he  wrote  his  greatest  work,  "  No  Cross  no  Crown."  In 
the  Preface  to  the  second  edition  of  1682,  we  read  : — 

*  See  below.  Chapter  VIII.  p. 


"  Christ's  Cross  is  Christ's  way  to  Christ's  crown.  This  is  the 
subject  of  the  following  discourse,  first  writ  during  my  confine- 
ment in  the  Tower  of  London  in  1668,  now  reprinted  with  great 
enlargements  of  matter  and  testimonies  ;  that  thou,  reader, 
mayst  be  won  to  Christ  and  if  won  already,  brought  nearer  to  him. 
'Tis  a  path  God  in  His  everlasting  kindness  guided  my  feet  into, 
in  the  flower  of  my  youth,  when  about  two-and-twenty  years  of 
age.  Then  he  took  me  by  the  hand  and  led  me  out  of  the 
pleasures,  vanities  and  hopes  of  the  world.  I  have  tasted  of 
Christ's  judgments  and  of  His  mercies,  and  of  the  world's  frowns 
and  reproaches ;  I  rejoice  in  my  experience  and  dedicate  it  to 
thy  service  in  Christ.  'Tis  a  debt  I  have  long  owed,  and  has  been 
long  expected  :   I  have  now  paid  it  and  delivered  my  soul." 

The  book  is  an  appeal  for  practical  Christ janity,  and  a 
statement  of  its  demands,  covering  both  worship  and 
conduct,  in  fact  the  whole  of  life,  public  and  private. 
Such  a  book  was  sure  to  come  out  as  a  typical  efflorescence 
of  Quakerism.  For  its  appeal  was  always  from  tradition 
to  experience,  from  authority  to  life.  Practice  is  Quaker- 
ism's strongest  side.  If  William  Penn  had  never  written 
anything  else  his  message  to  the  world  would  have  been 
delivered  in  this  volume.  It  is  one  of  the  notable  voices 
of  Christianity,  an  unflinching  presentment  of  what 
Christian  experience  is  and  demands  of  those  faithful  to 
it.  It  contains  all  the  Quaker  testimonies,  against 
ritual,  professional  preaching,  ornamental  worship,  prayer 
from  books  ;  and  a  defence  of  meetings  based  on  silence 
and  depending  upon  individual  initiative  in  ministry. 
It  is  unrestrained  and  voluminous  in  expression,  and 
hortatory  in  manner.  But  it  contains  many  purple 
passages  of  pungent  quality,  and  the  style  is  aflame  with 
conviction.  It  became  for  two  centuries  the  standard 
book  of  Friends'  practice,  as  Barclay's  Apology  was 
of  their  theory,  and  Fox's  Journal  of  their  history  and 
origin.  It  has  been  the  stay  and  the  standard  of  thousands 
of  strong  men  and  women.  Perhaps  it  cannot  be,  even 
ought  not  to  be,  to  us  what  it  was  to  our  fathers.  Each 
age  must  write  its  own  "  No  Cross,  no  Crown."     The 


religious  conflicts  of  a  past  age  have  burnt  into  it  and  for  us 
discoloured  it.  We  must  have  a  less  controversial  help 
to  Christian  conduct ;  but  it  is  hardly  likely  that  we  shall 
produce  one  so  penetrating.  It  is  a  book  now  rarely  read. 
By  1857  it  had  gone  through  twenty-four  editions,  but 
since  that  time  its  circulation  has  been  very  slight,  and 
due  to  the  desire  of  some  persons  that  other  persons  should 
read  it.  In  all  cases  it  is  the  second  edition  of  1682  that 
has  been  reprinted.  It  is  a  more  complete  and  mature 
work  than  the  hasty  production  under  prison  conditions 
of  the  young  man  of  four-and-twenty  in  1668.  Some  of 
the  minor  Quaker  peculiarities  took  a  more  prominent 
place  in  the  first  edition  than  they  did  in  the  complete 

As  an  example  of  the  invective  which  alternates  with 
loving  appeal,  we  may  quote  a  passage  which  incidentally 
treats  the  Restoration  Drama  from  an  unusual  angle  of 
vision  (Chap.  XVII.  §  i). 

"  Next,  those  customs  and  fashions,  which  make  up  the 
common  attire  and  conversation  of  the  times,  do  eminently 
obstruct  the  inward  retirement  of  people's  minds,  by  which  they 
may  come  to  behold  the  glories  of  immortality  ;  who  instead  of 
fearing  their  Creator  in  the  days  of  their  youth,  and  seeking  the 
kingdom  of  God  in  the  first  place  (Eccl.  xii.  i  ;  Luke  xii.  31), 
expecting  the  addition  of  such  other  things  as  may  be  necessary 
and  convenient,  according  to  the  injimctions  of  God  and  the  Lord 
Jesus  Christ ;  as  soon  as  they  can  do  anything,  they  look  after 
pride,  vanity  and  that  conversation  which  is  most  delightful  to  the 
flesh  (Jer.  xviii.  18-20),  which  becomes  their  most  delightful 
entertainment  :  all  which  do  but  evidently  beget  lustful  con- 
ceptions, and  inflame  to  inordinate  thoughts,  wanton  discourses, 
lascivious  treats,  if  not  at  least  to  wicked  actions.  To  such  it  is 
tedious  and  offensive  to  speak  of  heaven  or  another  life.  Bid 
them  reflect  upon  their  actions,  not  grieve  the  Holy  Spirit,  con- 
sider of  an  eternal  doom,  prepare  for  judgment ;  and  the  best 
return  that  is  usual  is  reproachful  jests  (Eph.  v.  3,  4),  profane 
repartees,  if  not  direct  blows.  Their  thoughts  are  otherwise 
employed  ;    their  mornings  are  too  short  for  them  to  wash,  to 


smooth,  to  paint,  to  patch,  to  braid,  to  curl,  to  gum,  to  powder, 
and  otherwise  to  attire  and  adorn  themselves  (Psalm  xii.  2  ; 
Isaiah  v.  ;  lix.  3,  4.)  ;  whilst  their  afternoons  are  as  commonly 
bespoke  for  visits  and  for  plays  ;  where  their  usual  entertainment 
is  some  stories  fetched  from  the  more  approved  romances  ;  some 
strange  adventures,  some  passionate  amours,  unkind  refusals, 
grand  impediments,  importunate  addresses,  miserable  disappoint- 
ments, wonderful  surprises,  unexpected  encounters,  castles 
surprised,  imprisoned  lovers  rescued,  and  meetings  of  supposed 
dead  ones  ;  bloody  duels,  languishing  voices  echoing  from  solitary 
groves,  overheard  mournful  complaints,  deep-fetched  sighs  sent 
from  wild  deserts,  intrigues  managed  with  unheard  of  subtlety  ; 
and  whilst  all  things  seem  at  the  greatest  distance,  then  are  dead 
people  alive,  enemies  friends,  despair  turned  to  enjoyment,  and 
all  their  impossibilities  reconciled  ;  things  that  never  were,  nor 
are,  nor  ever  shall  or  can  be,  they  all  come  to  pass.  And  as  if  man 
and  woman  were  too  slow  to  answer  the  loose  suggestions  of 
corrupt  nature,  or  were  too  intent  on  more  divine  speculations 
and  heavenly  affairs,  they  have  all  that  is  possible  for  the  most 
extravagant  wits  to  invent ;  not  only  express  lies,  but  utter  im- 
possibilities to  very  nature,  on  purpose  to  excite  their  minds  to 
those  idle  passions,  and  intoxicate  their  giddy  fancies  with 
swelling  nothings  but  airy  fictions  ;  which  not  only  consume  their 
time,  effeminate  their  natures,  debase  their  reason,  and  set  them 
on  work  to  reduce  these  things  to  practice,  and  make  each  adven- 
ture theirs  by  imitation  ;  but  if  disappointed, — as  who  can  other- 
wise expect  from  such  mere  phantasms  ? — the  present  remedy  is 
latitude  in  the  greatest  vice.  And  yet  these  are  some  of  their 
most  innocent  recreations,  which  are  the  very  gins  of  Satan,  to 
ensnare  people ;  contrived  most  agreeable  to  their  weakness, 
and  in  a  more  insensible  manner  mastering  their  affections  by 
entertainments  most  taking  to  their  senses.  On  such  occasions 
it  is  their  hearts  breed  vanity,  and  their  eyes  turn  interpreters 
to  their  thoughts  and  their  looks  whisper  the  secret  inflammations 
of  their  intemperate  minds  (Prov.  vii.  10-21)  ;  wandering  so 
long  abroad,  till  their  lascivious  actings  bring  night  home,  and 
load  their  minds  and  reputations  with  lust  and  infamy."* 

*  A  fuller  account  of  the  three  books  named  in  this  chapter  may  be 
found  in  the  author's  work,  "  The  Faith  of  a  Quaker,"  Book  II.,  Chap.  III. 
(Camb.  Univ.  "Press),  a  book  publication  is  postponed  till  after 
the  war. 

GATEWAY     OF     NEWGATE,      1666. 


In  the  summer  of  1669  William  Penn  went  again  to 
Ireland  on  the  business  of  his  father's  estates  and  stayed 
about  nine  months.  He  visited  many  meetings  and  the 
prisons  where  Friends  were.  On  their  behalf  he  presented 
an  address  to  the  Lord  Lieutenant,  and  repeatedly  applied 
to  him,  to  the  Chancellor,  and  to  Lord  Arran,  for  the 
release  of  Friends ;  and  he  had  the  happiness  of  seeing  his 
efforts  successful  before  he  returned  to  England.  An 
order  in  Council  liberated  Friends.  A  "  National  Meet- 
ing "  of  Friends  in  Ireland  was  held  in  Dublin,  at  William 
Penn's  lodgings,  in  November  of  1669.  He  seems  to  have 
been  gladly  accepted  as  a  leader  from  the  first.  Oddly 
enough,  on  his  voyage  to  Ireland,  a  Friend  was  a  passenger 
who  had  been  also  a  fellow  passenger  with  him  on  his 
last  voyage  from  Ireland  when  just  "  convinced,"  and 
had  then  helped  and  encouraged  him.  This  good  man 
now  felt  himself  left  far  behind  spiritually  by  one  who 
had  set  out  after  him,  and  was  much  humbled,  "  was  led 
to  a  solid  reflection  upon  his  own  negligence  and  unfaith- 
fulness and  expressed  with  many  tears  a  renewed  visitation 
and  deep  concern  upon  his  spirit."  Probably  this 
excellent  Friend  need  not  have  been  distressed.  It  is  a 
common  experience. 


The    Rights    of  Juries 

The  few  years  of  William  Penn's  Quakerism  had  been 
times  of  adventure  and  of  strain,  but  the  year  1670 
brought  with  it  still  larger  and  keener  encounters  in  the 
Holy  War.  The  trial  of  Penn  and  Mead  in  that  year  was 
an  event  of  great  moment  in  the  constitutional  history 
of  England.  Already  from  his  prison  in  the  Tower  he 
had  written  a  long  manifesto  to  Lord  Arlington  the 
Secretary  of  State,  a  member  of  the  famous  Cabal  govern- 
ment, pointing  out  how  illegal  his  confinement  was, 
under  the  constitution.  He  was  not  an  unlikely  man  to 
find  himself  called  on  to  defend  the  rights  of  citizenship. 
In  1670  the  second  Conventicle  Act  was  passed,  con- 
firming and  making  effectual  the  provisions  of  the  earlier 
Act  of  1664.  Under  these  Acts  the  Church  of  England 
committed  the  greatest  folly  in  her  history,  in  attempting 
to  destroy  Nonconformity  by  forbidding  all  its  meetings 
by  law.  It  deprived  the  accused  of  the  benefit  of  trial 
by  jury.  Any  justice  of  the  peace,  whether  sitting  in 
sessions  or  not,  could  convict  at  his  pleasure.  It  con- 
tained also  the  extraordinary  clause  that  in  case  of  doubt 
arising  about  its  interpretation  "  the.  Act  shall  be  construed 
most  largely  and  beneficially  for  the  suppression  of 
conventicles,"  i.e.,  it  was  to  be  construed  against  the 
prisoner,  contrary  to  a  maxim  of  English  legal  practice. 
Most  of  the  religious  bodies  attacked  bowed  outwardly 
to  the  storm.  That  is,  they  abandoned  their  chapels  and 
met  secretly  elsewhere  when  they  could.     No  such  recog- 



nition  of  the  power  of  evil  commended  itself  to  the  daring 
and  inflexible  spirit  of  Friends,  They  met  as  usual  ; 
and  many  a  time  the  soldiers  had  to  break  up  a  meeting 
and  hale  the  congregation,  or,  it  might  be,  a  speaker  and 
some  others,  to  jail.  The  third  offence  meant  a  fine  of 
£100,  or  transportation  to  the  convict  station  on 
Barbadoes,  and  every  succeeding  offence  a  fine  of  ;£ioo. 

The  Meeting  House  in  Gracechurch  Street  in  the  City 
of  London  was  found  guarded  by  soldiers,  on  Sunday, 
August  14th,  1670.  Friends,  therefore,  naturally  met 
for  worship  in  the  street  outside.  William  Penn  was 
preaching  when  the  police  appeared,  with  warrants  ready 
written  by  the  Lord  Mayor  against  him  and  William 
Mead,  who  was  of  the  company.  Penn  gives  an  account 
of  it  in  a  letter  to  his  father,  written  the  next  day  from  a 
place  of  semi-imprisonment. 

"  Yesterday  I  was  taken  by  a  band  of  soldiers,  with  one  Capt. 
Mead,  a  linen  draper,  and  in  the  evening  carried  before  the  Mayor. 
He  proceeded  against  me  according  to  the  ancient  law ;  he  told 
me  I  should  have  my  hat  pulled  off,  for  all  I  was  Admiral  Penn's 
son.  I  told  him  that  I  desired  to  be  in  common  with  others, 
and  sought  no  refuge  from  the  common  usage.  He  answered, 
it  had  been  no  matter  if  thou  hadst  been  a  commander  twenty 
years  ago.  ...  He  bade  his  clerk  write  me  for  Bridewell, 
and  there  would  he  see  me  whipt  himself,  for  all  I  was  Penn's 
son,  that  starved  the  seamen.  Indeed  these  words  grieved  me 
as  well  as  that  it  manifested  his  great  weakness  and  mahce  to 
the  whole  Company,  that  were  about  one  hundred  people.  I  told 
him  I  could  very  well  hear  his  severe  expressions  to  me  concerning 
myself,  but  was  sorry  to  hear  him  speak  those  abuses  of  my 
father,  that  was  not  present,  at  which  the  assembly  seemed  to 

Starhng  the  Lord  Mayor  was  a  renegade  Cromwellian, 
once  a  great  persecutor  of  Royalists.  The  Friends  were 
indicted  at  the  Old  Bailey  on  September  i.  The  charge 
was,  in  summarised  form,  that  the  defendants,  with  other 
persons  to  the  number  of  three  hundred,  did  with  force  and 


arms  unlawfully  and  tumultuously  assemble  and  congre- 
gate themselves  together  to  the  disturbance  of  the  peace 
—that    William    Penn,  by  agreement  between  him  and 
WilHam  Mead,  before  made,  and  by  abetment  of  the  said 
William  Mead,  did  take  upon  himself  to  preach  and  speak, 
by  reason  whereof  a  great  concourse  and  tumult  of  people 
in  the  street  did  a  long  time  remain  and  continue  in  con- 
tempt of  the  Lord  the  King  and  of  his  law  ;   to  the  great 
disturbance  of  his  peace,  to  the  great  terror  of  many  of  his 
lieges,  and  to  the  ill  example  of  all  others."         ^^       ^     . 
One  can  realise  that  the  authorities  could  hardly  afford 
to  allow  themselves  to  be  baffled  by  this  open-air  demon- 
stration of  the  Quakers  whom  they  had  turned  out  of 
doors.     Thus  does  one  ill   course   lead  to  another  ;    and 
the  path  of  compulsion  descends  rapidly  to  an  intolerable 

^  ^  The  trial  occupied  September  ist,  3rd,  4tli,  and  5tli. 
The  Justices  were  Sir  Samuel  Starling,  the  Lord  Mayor, 
Sir  John  Howel,  the  Recorder,  five  Aldermen  and  three 


At  the  beginning  the  Recorder  refused  to  the  pnsoners 
a  copy  of  the  lengthy  indictment:  on  which  Penn 
demanded  that  no  undue  advantage  should  be  taken  of 
this,  and  that  he  should  have  a  fair  hearing  in  defence. 
They  then  pleaded  Not  Guilty. 

Then  the  court  adjourned,  and  the  prsoners  were 
brought  up  in  the  afternoon  but  made  to  stand  aside  while 
felons  and  murderers  were  tried  ;  thus  both  wearying 
and  insulting  them.  After  five  hours'  attendance  the 
court  broke  up  without  reaching  their  case.  Two  days 
later,  on  Saturday  the  third,  they  were  again  brought  up, 
and  the  case  began  in  earnest.  The  poUce  had,  with  kmdly 
intention,  removed  the  prisoners'  hats,  which  they  had  a 
conscientious  objection  to  doing  themselves,  but  the  Bench 
were  determined  not  to  be  denied  their  cunmng  device 
on  this  point,  and  ordered  their  hats  to  be  put  on  again 
and  they  brought  up  to  the  bar,  where  they  were  fined 


forty  marks  apiece  for  contempt  of  court  for  having  them 
on.  Penn  remarked  that  as  the  Bench  was  responsible 
for  their  hats  being  on,  the  Bench  should  be  fined.  The 
tone  of  the  prisoners'  minds  comes  out  in  William  Mead's 
protest  : 

"  I  desire  the  Jury  and  all  people  to  take  notice  of  this  injustice 
of  the  Recorder,  who  spake  not  to  me  to  pull  off  my  hat,  and  yet 
hath  he  put  a  fine  upon  my  head.  0  fear  the  Lord  and  dread 
His  power,  and  yield  to  the  guidance  of  His  Holy  Spirit,  for  He 
is  not  far  from  every  one  of  you." 

So  far  the  Bench  had  not  gained  much  moral  weight,  but 
had  ensured  that,  whatever  the  verdict,  the  accused  should 
go  back  to  prison  for  not  paying  this  fine. 

The  authorities  seem  to  have  known  and  feared 
Edward  Bushel,  one  of  the  jurors,  and  pretended  that  he 
had  not  kissed  the  book  ;  and  so  brought  him  up  again  to 
swear.  He  was  thought  to  have  a  conscience  against 
swearing  twice.     But  the  trick  failed. 

The  police  evidence  was  to  the  effect  that  they  could 
not  get  near  to  William  Penn  because  of  the  crowd,  nor 
hear  him  because  of  the  noise  ;  but  that  William  Mead 
had  arranged  that  if  William  Penn  was  allowed  peaceably 
to  finish,  he  would  give  himself  up  at  the  close. 

Then  followed  a  long  duel  between  the  Recorder  and 
William  Penn.  The  accused  demanded  by  what  law 
they  were  being  tried,  and  the  Recorder  refused  informa- 
tion beyond  saying  that  it  was  the  Common  Law,  and 
abusing  Penn  as  a  saucy  and  impertinent  fellow.  Penn 
quoted  Coke's  Institutes  and  pleaded  the  privileges  of 
Magna  Charta.  He  managed  to  get  out  some  forcible 
pleas  in  defence  of  the  liberty  of  the  subject,  and  after 
many  undignified  attempts  to  silence  him,  they  haled  him 
off  to  the  "  Bale  Dock  "  at  the  far  back  of  the  court. 

William  Mead  then  stated  in  his  defence  that  though 
once  a  Captain  in  the  army  he  had  now  no  freedom  to  use 
violence  of  any  kind,  so  could  not  be  guilty  of  behaving 


vi  et  armis.  He  demanded  an  order  of  the  law,  and 
quoted  Coke  on  the  nature  of  a  Riot.  Here  the  Recorder 
interrupted  him  and  thanked  him  for  teaching  him  the 
law,  scornfully  pulling  off  his  hat.  Mead  replied  "  Thou 
mayst  put  on  thy  hat,  I  have  never  a  fee  for  thee  now." 
On  finding  themselves  no  more  a  match  for  him  than  for 
Penn,  and  receiving  from  the  prisoner  a  quantity  of 
troublesome  and  impressive  Latin,  they  sent  him 
away  also,  to  join  his  friend  in  the  Bale  Dock.  The 
Recorder  then  charged  the  Jury  in  the  prisoners'  absence  ; 
but  he  was  interrupted  by  William  Penn  shouting, 
though  unseen,  from  the  distant  Bale  Dock,  appealing 
against  the  charge  being  given  in  their  absence,  and 
quoting  Coke  again,  on  the  right  of  prisoners  to  be  heard. 
The  only  thing  the  Recorder  could  do  was  to  order  the 
prisoners  into  "  the  Hole,"  a  stinking  place  in  Newgate, 
close  by,  where  they  were  safely  out  of  hearing  at  any  rate. 
Penn  describes  this  foul  place  as  not  fit  for  pigs.  The 
Jury  debated  an  hour  and  a  half.  Then  eight  walked  in, 
and  agreed  to  convict.  The  four  dissentients  were 
ordered  down  also,  among  them  Edward  Bushel,  the 
hero  of  this  story.  The  Recorder  threatened  him. 
"  I  shall  set  a  mark  upon  you,  sir."  Other  Aldermen 
and  the  Lord  Mayor  abused  him,  and  sent  the  Jury  back. 
After  a  considerable  time  they  returned,  unanimous. 
"  William  Penn  is  guilty  of  speaking  in  Gracechurch 
Street."*  This  would  never  do.  But  not  another  word 
would  the  jury  consent  to  say.  They  were  sent  back  for 
half  an  hour,  but  returned  with  a  similar  verdict  in  writing. 
The  court  fell  upon  Bushel  and  Thomas  Vere,  the  fore- 
man, and  threatened  to  lock  the  jury  up  without  meat, 
drink,  fire  or  tobacco,  till  they  revised  their  verdict. 
Penn  vigorously  interfered  in  defence  of  his  jury. 

"  The  agreement  of  Twelve  men  is  a  verdict  in  law, 
and  such  a  one  being  given  by  the  jury,  I  require  the  Clerk 
of  the  Court  to  record  it,  as  he  will  answer  it  at  his  peril 
•  The  contemporary  spelling  is  "  Gracious  Street." 


and  if  the  jury  bring  in  another  verdict  contrary  to  this, 
I  affirm  they  are  perjured  men  in  law.  (And  looking 
upon  the  Jury,  said),  "  You  are  Englishmen,  mind  your 
privilege,  give  not  away  your  right." 

"  Nor  will  we  ever  do  it,"  responded  the  jurymen. 

A  juryman  pleaded  illness,  but  the  Court  refused  to 
release  him.  "  Starve  and  hold  your  principles."  They 
were  kept  all  night  without  food  or  drink,  or  any  other 
necessity.  At  seven  the  next  day,  Sunday,  the  court 
met  again,  but  their  verdict  was  unchanged. 

The  court  fell  upon  Bushel.  "  That  conscience  of 
yours  would  cut  my  throat,"  remarked  the  Lord  Mayor. 
"  No,  my  lord,  it  never  shall,"  replied  the  juror.  "  But 
I  will  cut  yours  as  soon  as  I  can,"  replied  the  Lord  Mayor. 
The  Recorder,  not  to  be  outdone  in  throwing  away  his 
dignity  added,  "  He  has  inspired  the  jury  ;  he  has  the 
spirit  of  divination  :  methinks  I  feel  him.  I  will  have  a 
positive  verdict,  or  you  shall  starve  for  it."  Penn  now 
intervened  on  behalf  of  Mead,  who  ought  to  be  liberated 
on  the  verdict  :  and  as  the  charge  was  for  conspiracy,  he 
should  be  freed  too,  as  one  man  cannot  conspire  alone. 
But  the  Recorder  declared  that  Not  Guilty  was  no  ver- 
dict. He  threatened  to  pursue  Bushel  with  future 
vengeance,  and  the  Lord  Mayor  said  he  would  slit  his  nose. 
Penn  intervened  with  a  defence  of  the  rights  of  Juries, 
and  the  Lord  Mayor  ordered  him  to  be  fettered  and 
fastened  to  the  ground.  The  Recorder  longed  audibly 
for  the  Inquisition  in  England,  and  promised  a  new  act 
of  complete  outlawry  for  Nonconformists  in  the  next  session 
of  Parliament.  He  then  ordered  the  Clerk  to  draw  up 
another  verdict  for  the  Jury  to  adopt ;  but  he  said  he 
did  not  know  how.  The  Recorder  threatened  to  starve 
the  jury,  and  cart  them  round  the  city.  They  were  sent 
upstairs  again  with  a  threat  of  force,  and  kept  again  with- 
out food,  drink,  or  sanitary  accommodation  all  night. 
At  seven  in  the  morning  of  Monday,  the  court  met  again  ; 
and  received  a  direct  verdict  of  "  Not  guilty  "  from  the 


indomitable  jury,  now  pale  and  weak.  Each  juryman 
was  then  compelled  to  give  the  verdict  separately  and 
did  so.  Each  said  "  Not  guilty"  ;  the  people  in  the 
court  were  evidently  delighted.  Penn  says  they  made  a 
sort  of  hymn.  Clearly  bullying  would  not  overcome  this 
jury.  The  court  then  dared  to  tine  them  forty  marks 
each,  and  send  them  to  prison  till  it  was  paid.  Penn 
and  Mead  accompanied  them  to  Newgate  for  not  paying 
their  fines  for  contempt  of  Court  about  the  hats  :  not 
however  without  a  final  appeal  from  William  Penn 
to  the  fundamental  Uberties  of  Englishmen  from  the 
Inquisition  so  dear  to  the  Recorder's  heart. 

Penn's  defence,  as  it  would  have  been  given,  if  he  had 
been  allowed  to  give  it,  was  pubUshed  shortly  afterwards, 
with  a  long  documented  criticism  of  the  action  of  the 
court,  based  on  the  ancient  charters. 

For  two  days  and  two  nights  this  brave  jury  had 
endured  the  cruelty  of  these  miserable  Restoration 
magistrates.  Some  were  in  high  fever,  some  wandered 
in  their  minds,  from  overstrain,  lack  of  sleep  and  raging 
thirst.  Their  room  had  become  foul.  They  had  sup- 
ported one  another  in  the  dark  hours  of  misery,  weakness 
strengthening  weakness,  with  the  strength  of  an  over- 
coming spirit.  They  did  much  to  save  trial  by  jury  for 
the  Englishmen  that  have  followed  them.  Their  case 
became  the  classic  one  on  the  independence  of  juries. 

Penn  wrote  to  his  father  that  the  jury  were  determined 
to  lie  in  prison  till  they  could  be  legally  released  without 
paying  their  fine,  and  that,  by  advice  of  counsel,  they 
demanded  their  liberty  every  six  hours.  They  were 
released  after  a  few  days  by  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 
their  commitment  being  pronounced  illegal.  Thus  the 
final  victory  was  won.  Twelve  judges,  after  an  elaborate 
trial  and  notable  speeches  of  counsel,  decided  unanimously 
that  a  jury  alone  is  the  judge  of  the  facts,  and  that  "  the 
court  may  try  to  open  the  eyes  of  the  jurors,  but  not  to 
lead  them  by  the  nose."     To  Bushel  and  his  companions 


Peoples  {::-^  Liberties 



T  Jbv    X   A  JL 

O  F 
William  Tem,  and  William  Mead, 

At  the  Seflions  held  at  the  Old-Baily  in  London^  the 

firft,  third,  fourth  and  fifth  of  Sept.  70,  againft 

the  moft  Arbitrary  procedure  of  that  Court. 

If  a.  10.  I,  2.  fVa  untoth^m  that  Decree  Vtirighteous  Decrees^  and 
write  grievoufnefs ^  which  they  have  frefcrib^d  -,  to  tarn  away  the 
Needy  from  Judgment,  and  to  take  away  the  right  from  the  Poct^  CTT . 

Pfal.  94.  20.  Shall  the  Throne  of  Iniquity  ha'&e  fel/ow/hip  with  thee, 
which  fraweth  mifchief  by  a  Law. 

Sicvolo,  fie  jubeo,  flat  pro  ratione  voluntas. 
Old-Sailyy  I  ft.  3d.  4tb,  5th  oi  Sept,  1670. 

Printed  in  the  Year,  16^0^ 

FACSIMILE      OF      TITLE      PAGE      OF      ACCOUNT      OF      THE      FAMOUS      TRIAL- 


Englishmen  owe  one  of  the  strongholds  of  their  freedom 
from  bureaucratic  tyranny. 

It  is  noticeable  that  Penn  and  Mead  were  not  tried 
under  the  Conventicle  Act.  The  prosecution  evidently 
thought  they  could  rely  on  the  Common  Law  against 
riot.  The  indictment  was,  however,  a  preposterous 
document.  It  had  the  date  wrong,  to  begin  with  ;  it 
accused  the  notoriously  peaceable  Quakers  of  proceeding 
by  force  and  by  arms — it  stated  that  there  was  a  con- 
spiracy or  arrangement  under  which  William  Penn 
was  speaking,  a  statement  which  any  one  who  knew 
Friends  knew  to  be  the  exact  contrary  of  their  practice, 
under  which  the  individual  speaks  wholly  on  his  own 


Bereavement     and     Courtship 

Not  the  least  of  the  troubles  of  imprisonment  was  the 
anxiety  of  William  Penn  to  be  with  his  father,  who  was 
very  ill  at  Wanstead.  We  have  seen  what  efforts  the 
Admiral  had  made  for  his  son's  release  from  the  Tower 
all  through  the  long  and  trying  spring  of  i66g.  William's 
courage  and  gentle  power  had  quite  conquered  his  father's 
hostility.  He  became  justly  proud  of  the  lad,  however 
misguided ;  and  indeed  the  world  he  had  served  was 
turning  its  back  upon  him.  A  full  reconciliation  took 
place  when  Penn  was  released  from  the  Tower ;  and  it 
was  from  signs  that  his  father's  health  was  seriously 
failing  that  he  had  come  home  from  Ireland.  Every  day 
from  Newgate  he  had  written  affectionate  letters  to  him  ; 
and  when  finally  detained  by  the  non-payment  of  the  hat 
fine,  he  longed  to  be  home,  but  begged  his  father  not  to 
pay  the  fine.  This  was  however  done,  and  Penn  released, 
after  about  a  week's  confinement.  It  was  reported  by 
the  doctors  that  the  Admiral  had  not  many  days  to  live, 
and  he  died  eleven  days  after  the  trial,  on  September  i6th, 
1670,  aged  only  forty-nine  years. 

His  last  sayings  were  inserted  by  his  son  in  the  second 
edition  of  "  No  Cross,  110  Crown,  "  among  the  edifying 
utterances  of  the  great  and  wise  of  all  ages,  as  they  summed 
up  their  judgment  on  life.     The  passage  runs  as  follows  : 

"  My  own  father,  after  thirty  years'  emplo5mient,  with  good 
success,  in  divers  places  of  eminent  trust  and  honour  in  his  own 
country,  upon  a  serious  reflection,  not  long  before  his  death, 



spoke  to  me  in  this  manner  :  '  Son  William,  I  am  weary  of  the 
world  :  I  would  not  live  over  my  days  again  if  I  could  command 
them  with  a  wish  :  for  the  snares  of  life  are  greater  than  the  fears 
of  death.  This  troubles  me,  that  I  have  offended  a  gracious  God, 
that  has  followed  me  to  this  day.  Oh,  have  a  care  of  sin  :  that 
is  the  sting  both  of  life  and  death.  Three  things  I  commend  to 
you.  First,  let  nothing  in  this  world  tempt  you  to  wrong  your 
conscience  :  I  charge  you  do  nothing  against  your  conscience, 
so  will  you  keep  peace  at  home,  which  will  be  a  feast  to 
you  in  the  day  of  trouble.  Secondly,  whatever  you  desire  to 
do,  lay  it  justly  and  time  it  seasonably  ;  for  that  gives  security 
and  dispatch.  Lastly,  be  not  troubled  at  disappointments  ;  for 
if  they  may  be  recovered,  do  it ;  if  they  cannot,  trouble  is  vain. 
If  you  could  not  have  helped  it,  be  content ;  there  is  often  peace 
and  profit  in  submitting  to  Providence,  for  afflictions  make  wise. 
If  you  could  have  helped  it,  let  not  your  trouble  exceed  instruction 
for  another  time  ;  these  rules  will  carry  you  with  firmness  and 
comfort  through  this  inconstant  world.'  At  another  time  he  in- 
veighed against  the  profaneness  and  impiety  of  the  age ;  often 
crying  out,  with  an  earnestness  of  spirit, '  Woe  to  thee,  O  England  ! 
God  will  judge  thee,  O  England  !  Plagues  are  at  thy  door,  O 
England  !  '  He  much  bewailed  that  divers  men  in  power,  and 
many  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  of  the  kingdom,  were  grown  so 
dissolute  and  profane  ;  often  saying,  '  God  has  forsaken  us ;  we 
are  infatuated  ;  we  will  shut  our  eyes ;  we  will  not  see  our  true 
interests  and  happiness  ;  we  shall  be  destroyed  !  Apprehending 
the  consequences  of  the  growing  looseness  of  the  age  to  be  our 
ruin,  and  that  the  methods  most  fit  to  serve  the  kingdom  with 
true  credit,  at  home  and  abroad,  were  too  much  neglected,  the 
trouble  of  which  did  not  a  Httle  help  to  feed  his  distemper,  which 
drew  him  daily  nearer  to  his  end :  and  as  he  believed  it,  so  less 
concerned  or  disordered,  I  never  saw  him  at  any  time  ;  of  which 
I  took  good  notice  :  wearied  to  live  as  well  as  near  to  die  he  took 
his  leave  of  us,  and  of  me,  with  this  expression,  and  a  most  com- 
posed countenance  :  '  Son  William,  if  you  and  3'our  friends  keep 
to  your  plain  way  of  preaching,  and  keep  to  your  plain  way  of 
living,  you  will  make  an  end  of  the  priests  to  the  end  of  the 
world.  Bury  me  by  my  mother ;  live  all  in  love  :  shun  all 
manner  of  evil :  and  I  pray  God  to  bless  you  all ;  and  He  will 
bless  you." 


There  is  a  monument  to  his  memory  in  the  church  of 
S.  Mary  Redclyffe,  Bristol,  erected  by  his  widow. 

One  of  the  consequences  of  the  trial  of  Penn  and  Mead 
was  a  controversy,  of  the  violent  type  then  expected, 
between  William  Penn  and  a  certain  S.  S.  (Was  it  Sir 
Samuel  Starling  the  Lord  Mayor?).  Penn  published  a 
full  account  of  the  trial  with  extensive  comment,  which 
went  through  two  editions  the  first  year.  S.  S.  wrote 
an  answer.  Penn  wrote  in  reply,  "  Truth  rescued  from 
Imposture,  or  a  brief  reply  to  a  mere  rhapsody  of  lies, 
folly  and  slander ;  but  a  pretended  answer  to  '  The  Trial 
of  William  Penn  and  William  Mead,'  writ  and  subscribed 
S.  S. — by  a  professed  enemy  to  oppression  W.  P." 

Part  III.  of  this  book  is  a  "  Defence  of  my  deceased 
father's  reputation  from  the  false  and  unworthy  reflect- 
tions  of  this  scandalous  libeller."  The  opponent  S.  S. 
had  made  much  of  Admiral's  Penn's  record  as  a  servant 
both  of  the  Protectorate  and  the  Monarchy.  His  son 
replies  that  he  was  not  a  political  partisan,  but  a  defender 
of  his  country  under  all  rulers  against  foreign  enemies. 
S.  S.  ascribes  his  rapid  promotion  to  his  zeal  in  producing 
"  The  Instrument  of  Government,"  which  gave  Oliver 
the  Protectorship.  William  Penn  shows  that  dates  are 
all  against  this ;  and  that  under  Oliver  only  ability 
caused  promotion.  Next  the  Admiral  is  blamed  wrong- 
fully for  the  defeat  at  Hispaniola,  which  was  a  land 
battle  under  Vcnables  ;  in  fact  the  sailors  rescued  the 
soldiers  from  destruction  on  that  occasion.  Next  come 
charges  of  plunder  and  peculation  easily  rebutted,  and  a 
testimony  to  the  Admiral's  honesty  in  his  country's 
service,  with  definite  instances  given.  After  saying  that 
S.  S.  (whose  identity  he  did  not  appear  to  know)  "  showed 
a  greater  want  of  humanity  than  I  was  willing  to  think 
the  debauchery  of  our  age  had  reduced  any  man  to," 
he  quaintly  concludes,  "  I  wish  him  repentance  of  these 
impieties  and  sincerely  declare  my  hearty  forgiveness  of 
all  his  aggravating  injuries."     Thus  did  grace  in  the  end 


mix  itself  with  calling  a  spade  a  very  decided  spade. 
To  anticipate  a  little,  one  may  add  that  this  tract  also  was 
written  from  prison. 

Pepys's  Diary  is  sprinkled  with  allusions  to  Admiral 
Penn,  These  allusions  are  all  hostile.  Penn  is  called  a 
rogue  in  various  forms  of  speech,  throughout  this  self- 
revealing  private  record.  But  nevertheless  there  was 
the  greatest  outward  friendship,  which  Pepys  tells  his 
Diary  it  was  his  interest  to  keep  up  for  social  reasons. 
Altogether  it  is  an  unpleasing  picture  of  an  acquaintance- 
ship in  that  bad  Restoration  society  ;  and  we  cannot 
take  Pepys's  opinion  of  Sir  William  Penn  as  reliable. 
Penn  had  interfered  with  Pepys's  illegal  professional 

He  would  seem  to  have  been  a  very  able,  rather 
worldly  man  who  took  the  colour  of  his  political  surround- 
ings, but  in  his  later  years  of  misfortune  and  weakness 
had  the  grace  to  see  in  the  end  the  beauty  of  holiness 
when  it  unexpectedly  intruded  into  his  family. 

Subject  to  Lady  Penn's  Hfe  interest  he  left  the  bulk  of 
his  property  to  his  son  William,  whom  he  made  sole 
executor.  Margaret  had  had  her  portion,  Richard  died 
three  years  after,  and  the  portion  left  to  him  then  fell 
in  also  to  WiUiam. 

His  lands  in  Ireland  and  England  brought  in  £1,500  a 
year,*  ;  now  worth  in  real  value  several  times  as  much. 
He  had  a  claim  on  the  Crown  for  loans  and  arrears  of 
salary  of  iri5,ooo.  He  had  also  sundry  other  claims  in 
Jamaica  and  in  Spain,  of  doubtful  value,  and  never 

Knowing  how  vulnerable  to  attack  was  property  in 
the  hands  of  an  uncompromising  young  Quaker,  the 
father  wrote  from  his  deathbed  to  the  King  and  his 
brother  James,  asking  them  to  continue  to  his  son  the 
kindness  they  had  shown  to  him.     The  Duke  of  York  in 

*  Clarkson.  H.  M.  Jenkins  apparently  thinks  this  too  much 
(p.  47,  of  Family  of  William  Penn.) 


reply  accepted  the  duty  of  guardian  and  protector  in 
William  Penn's  estate  and  business  affairs. 

The  Quaker  propaganda  must  have  required,  and  we 
know  that  it  received,  a  good  deal  of  money.  To  it 
chiefly  this  access  of  income  went  till  a  greater  use 

The  record  of  this  eventful  year  1670  is  yet  far  from 
finished.  The  new  faith  gave  its  prophets  no  rest. 
William  Penn  had  a  public  controversy  at  West 
Wycomb  in  Bucks.  An  attack  on  Friends  and  their 
teaching  by  a  Baptist  minister  provoked  a  challenge  to 
a  public  debate  from  Penn.  The  subject  in  dispute  was 
the  Universality  of  the  Divine  Light.  Jeremy  Ives,  the 
minister's  "  brother,"  appeared,  and  delivered  a  prepared 
speech.  Then — contrary  to  all  good  form — he  departed 
with  all  who  would  follow,  without  hearing  the  reply. 
But  most  of  the  people  very  naturally  stayed  behind,  and 
appeared  satisfied  and  friendly.  A  return  by  Ives,  to 
reproach  the  people  for  stajdng,  concluded  the  affair.* 
One  cannot  imagine  crowds  attending  a  discussion  on  such 
a  subject  now. 

In  November  Penn  was  at  Oxford,  and  found  a  cruel 
persecution  going  on  there  against  Friends  ;  ragging  by 
undergraduates  being  connived  at  by  the  authorities. 
He  wrote  a  very  hot  letter  to  the  Vice  Chancellor  about  it, 
declaring  the  divine  vengeance.  "  Poor  mushroom, 
wilt  thou  war  against  the  Lord,  and  lift  up  thyself  in 
battle  against  the  Almighty."  No  notice  was  taken  by  the 
mushroom.  The  upbraidings  in  the  letter,  however,  were 
not  too  severe.  The  Vice  Chancellor  carried  on  a  miserable 
spy  system.  He  employed  men  to  go  among  the  Nonconfor- 
mists, pretending  unity  with  them,  and  then,  having  heard 
them  talk  freely,  to  prosecute  them  for  their  unsuspecting 
words.  Nothing  could  be  more  contrary  to  all  decent 
University  instincts.  But  at  this  time  the  Universities  were 
denominational  colleges,  and  these  Quakers  and  Baptists, 

♦  See  "  Life  of  Thomas  Ellwood." 


advocating  a  lay  ministry  based  not  on  learning  but  on 
inspiration,  endangered  the  whole  craft  with  which  the 
place  was  identified.  Both  the  Universities  were  fierce 
against  Friends. 

During  that  winter  William  Penn  lived  quietly  for  a 
time  at  Penn  in  Buckinghamshire,  and  became  a  frequent 
visitor  at  the  home  of  Isaac  Penington.  From  this  visit 
much  followed  later,  of  a  happier  kind  than  the  dread 
ceaseless  struggle  for  truth,  and  for  the  liberty  of  the  human 
soul,  which  consumed  at  present  his  whole  energies  and 
fills  the  story  of  his  life.  At  present  we  must  follow  the 
holy  war.  He  wrote  in  the  country  at  this  time  "  A 
Seasonable  Caveat  against  Popery."  That  it  was 
seasonable  we  know  from  history.  Charles  II.,  that  very 
year,  had  concluded  with  His  Catholic  Majesty  Louis  XIV. 
of  France,  the  secret  Treaty  of  Dover,  subordinating 
English  foreign  policy  to  Louis's  designs  upon  his 
Protestant  neighbours,  and  containing  a  clause  that 
Charles  would  at  an  appropriate  time  confess  his  Roman- 
ism, and  be  supported,  by  a  French  army  if  necessary, 
against  an  English  revolt.  The  Caveat  was  as  thorough- 
going an  attack  as  the  author's  other  works  ;  but  it  had 
the  peculiarity  of  demanding  toleration  for  the  persons 
who  held  these  pernicious  beliefs.  Catholicism  was 
the  enemy,  not  Catholics.  This  was  the  Quaker  position, 
and  a  generation  later  it  became  the  national  practice, 
with  some  exceptions  in  the  way  of  religious  disabilities 
and  privileges. 

So  the  end  of  this  crowded  year  1670,  with  its  imprison- 
ments, controversies,  bereavement,  and  literary  labours, 
came  at  last  with  a  few  weeks  of  peace,  in  which  arose  the 
dawning  of  the  greatest  event  of  all  in  a  young  man's  hfe. 

From  the  crowd  and  noise  of  London  we  now  pass  to 
the  old  world  villages  which  nestle  among  the  wooded 
uplands  looking  down  on  the  Thames  valley  near  Windsor. 
Both  for  marriage  and  for  burial  our  far-roaming  spiritual 
adventurer  and  statesman  drew  to  this  secluded  spot  in 


quiet  English  woodlands,  and    there    our   memories    of 
him  centre. 

Our  story  will  end  in  the  graveyard  at  the  ancient 
meeting-house  at  Jordans.  But  it  was  for  completeness 
of  life  that  the  battered  young  warrior  came  down  to 
Buckinghamshire.  He  stayed  at  his  ancestral  village 
of  Penn,  but  his  interests  were  mainly  with  the  household 
of  Isaac  Penington.  The  Penington's  home  had  been 
at  the  Grange,  a  modest  mansion  at  Chalfont  St.  Peter, 
still  standing.  But  in  1665  they  had  been  turned  out 
by  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  at  a  time  when  Isaac  Penington 
was  in  gaol,  and  the  family  had  been  scattered,  and 
lived  for  some  years  in  an  unsettled  condition.  At 
the  time  of  this  visit,  at  the  end  of  1670,  Isaac  Penington 
was  in  gaol  at  Reading.  He  had  gone  thither  to  visit 
Friends  in  prison,  and  Sir  William  Armoner  had  thought 
it  humorous  to  keep  him  there  for  a  year  and  three  quarters, 
till  the  King's  Declaration  of  Indulgence  in  1672  brought 
his  series  of  six  imprisonments  to  an  end. 

The  family  consisted  of  Isaac  Penington,  his  wife 
Mary,  and  three  little  children,  and  his  beautiful  step- 
daughter, Gulielma  Maria  Springett,  aged  twenty-six. 

Isaac  Penington,  now  a  man  of  fifty-four,  was,  with 
Fox,  Barclay  and  Penn,  one  of  the  four  outstanding 
leaders  of  the  Quaker  reformation.  He  was  not  one  of  the 
earliest  band  of  "  First  Publishers  "  of  1652.  It  was  not 
till  1658,  at  the  great  meetings  at  John  Crook's  in  Bedford 
shire,  that  George  Fox  had  pointed  to  him  the  way  to 
spiritual  freedom  and  power.  Like  Fox,  Barclay  and 
Penn,  from  his  earliest  childhood  he  had  been  religious. 
Like  the  other  Quaker  reformers  he  too  had  had 
a  long  and  "  sorely  distressed "  period  of  spiritual 
unsettlement,  "  I  could  not  be  satisfied  with  the  things 
of  this  perishing  world,  which  naturally  pass  away,  but  I 
desired  true  sense  of,  and  unity  with,  that  which  abideth 
for  ever."  "  But  I  was  exceedingly  entangled  about 
election  and  reprobation."     He  joined  one  of   the  many 

(See   note   page   331) 


sects  of  the  time,  each  anxiously  trying  to  follow  more 
closely  the  letter  of  the  Scripture  than  the  others,  and  so 
reach  ultimate  truth.  But  his  religious  genius  and  his 
critical  faculty  remained  unsatisfied,  and,  throwing  up  the 
outward  observances  of  rehgion,  he  mingled  with  the 
world  for  a  while,  though  not  of  it.  His  prospects  there, 
like  Penn's,  were  excellent.  His  father  was  Alderman 
Penington,  one  of  the  "  Parliament  Grandees,"  High 
Sheriff  of  London,  member  for  the  City  in  the  Long 
Parliament,  Lord  Mayor,  Governor  of  the  Tower,  Member 
of  the  High  Court  of  Justice  which  tried  the  King.  He 
was  knighted  by  the  Speaker  and  became  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  State  which  controlled  the  Commonwealth. 
He  represented  finance  in  the  Roundhead  party,  and  was 
their  means  of  communication  with  the  City  and  its  loans. 
He  was  thus  a  convinced  Puritan  and  Parliament  man  ; 
and  his  son's  adoption  of  Quakerism  just  when  his 
party's  fortunes  were  sinking,  was  a  great  grief  to  him  ; 
though  for  far  other  reasons  than  those  which  troubled  the 
professional  soldier  Sir  William  Penn,  who  was  essentially 
Royalist  and  "  of  the  world." 

Alderman  Penington,  whose  name  was  also  Isaac, 
died  in  the  Tower  soon  after  the  Restoration,  under  cruel 
imprisonment,  having,  with  other  regicides,  surrendered 
on  Charles's  proclamation  of  clemency. 

When  Isaac  Penington  the  younger,  was  wandering 
in  the  arid  fields  of  society,  unable  to  find  a  religion,  he 
met  there  a  young  widow,  Lady  Springett,  who  was  in 
exactly  similar  case,  and  they  were  married  in  1654. 
Guli  was  then  a  child  of  ten.  She  had  been  born  a  few 
weeks  after  the  death  of  her  father,  Sir  William  Springett, 
of  Darling,  in  Sussex,  a  Puritan  commander  who  suc- 
cumbed to  an  attack  of  fever  at  the  siege  of  Arundel 
Castle  in  February,  1643-4,  in  the  second  year  of  the  civil 
war.  Lady  Springett,  as  an  orphan  heiress,  daughter  of 
Sir  John  Proud,  had  been  brought  up  with  the  young 
Springetts.      She  had  been  born  in  Holland.     Like  other 


characters  in  this  history  Mary  Proud  was  earnestly 
rehgious  in  an  original  way  in  childhood,  discovered 
the  futility  of  formal  prayer,  refused  prayers  out  of 
books,  tried  to  write  some  for  herself,  then  grew  out 
of  that,  and  went  great  distances,  thought  unsuitable 
for  a  girl  and  undesirable  for  an  heiress,  to  hear  a  Puritan 
preacher  named  Wilson,  one  of  the  sectaries  then  so 
numerous.  From  the  domestic  friction  which  ensued, 
William  Springett,  then  a  law  student  in  London,  res- 
cued her  by  a  youthful  marriage.  He  was  knighted  by  the 
King  in  early  manhood.  The  young  couple  had  given  up 
the  use  of  hymns,  as  insincere,  and  when  their  first  child 
was  born,  the  aristocratic  father  created  a  county  sensa- 
tion by  refusing  to  have  it  baptised  by  the  priest,  but 
carried  it  in  his  arms  five  miles  to  Wilson,  the  deprived 
Puritan  preacher,  and  held  it  himself  to  be  baptised.  Be- 
fore he  died,  he  abandoned  both  ordinances  altogether. 
This  was  before  George  Fox  had  begun  his  mission.  It 
shows  that  his  teaching  was  in  the  air,  and  had  been 
reached  independently  by  kindred  souls.*  Gulielma 
Maria,  born  shortly  after  her  father's  death,  was  never 

The  family  fortunes  of  the  Peningtons  had  collapsed 
at  the  Restoration.  But  Mary  Penington  retained  her 
father's  inheritance,  and  during  her  husband's  six 
imprisonments  managed  the  business  affairs  of  the  family. 
These  early  Friends  were  never  safe  from  sudden  arrest, 
legal  or  illegal.  Isaac  Penington,  unlike  his  best  known 
colleagues,  was  not  a  travelling  preacher.  He  was 
chiefly  an  author,  and  a  selection  from  his  voluminous 
works  gives  forcibly  still  the  deep  mystical  teaching 
round  which  Quakerism  gathered.  He  was  its  central, 
typical  exponent  in  print,  and  his  works  are  still  not 

*  A  fuller  account  of  the  early  history  of  Mary  Penington  was 
written  by  her  for  her  grandson,  Springett  Penn.and  is  printed  in  Joseph 
Gurney  Sevan's  Memoirs  of  Isaac  Penington,  and  in  Maria  Webb's 
"  Penns    and    Peningtons    of    the    Seventeenth    Century." 


But  our  interest  at  the  moment  is  where  William 
Penn's  was.  Gull  Springett  had  refused  a  crowd  of 
suitors.  Her  beauty  and  charm,  added  to  her  considerable 
estate,  had  attracted  many  neighbouring  young  gentle- 
men, not  Friends.  But  when  William  Penn  appeared, 
handsomer,  stronger  than  them  all,  incomparably  wiser 
and  braver  than  any  young  man  she  had  seen,  fresh  from 
his  sufferings  and  his  victories  for  their  common  faith, 
the  young  people  found  one  another  at  once.  They  met 
first  early  in  1668,  when  she  was  twenty-four  and  he 
six  months  younger.*  We  do  not  know  whether  an 
attachment  began  then ;  but  Maria  Webb  (p.  172) 
notices  with  woman's  instinct  that  it  was  just  after  that 
that  Thomas  Ellwood  felt  that  he  should  find  a  wife 
elsewhere.  We  get  a  delightful  account  of  Guli  in  the 
autobiography  of  Thomas  Ellwood.  He  was  a  scholarly 
young  gentleman,  the  son  of  a  neighbouring  landowner. 
He  had  become  a  Friend,  with  the  usual  home  opposition. 
He  was  often  at  the  Grange,  and  had  for  seven  years, 
from  1662  till  his  marriage  in  1669,  undertaken  the 
education  of  the  children,  and  given  lessons  also  to  Guli. 
He  felt  however  that  she  was  not  for  him,  but  was 
reserved  for  someone  more  worthy,  and  with  nobility  and 
resignation  he  tells  of  the  coming  of  him  for  whom  she 
was  reserved.  Thomas  Ellwood  was  afterwards  the 
editor  of  George  Fox's  Journal.  He  also  wrote  a 
number  of  tedious  poems,  but  his  autobiography  is  an 
authentic  and  delightful  source  of  our  knowledge.  It  is 
in  Morley's  Universal  Library,  and  in  another  excellent 
modern  edition  edited  by  S.  Graveson.f  Ellwood  figures 
in  every  history  of  English  literature,  as  the  friend,  pupil, 
and  secretary  of  Milton.  They  were  particularly  intimate 
when  the  poet  lived  at  Chalfont  St.  Giles  during  the  year 
of  the  Plague.  Ellwood  tells  us  that  he  found  the 
cottage  for  him,  "  a  pretty  box  a  mile  from  me."  He 
had  the  wonderful  fortune  of  reading  "  Paradise  Lost  " 

*  "  Penns  and  Peningtons,"  p.  180.  \  Headley  Brothers. 


in  manuscript ;  and  it  was  he  who  asked  Milton,  "  Thou 
hast  told  us  much  about  Paradise  lost,  what  hast  thou  to 
say  about  Paradise  found  ?  "  a  suggestion  which  bore  more 
fruit  than  most.  Milton,  when  handing  him  his  second 
poem,  on  the  temptation  of  Christ,  said  it  was  due 
to  his  words.  Thus  we  owe  "  Paradise  Regained,"  as 
well  as  the  current  edition  of  Fox's  Journal,  and  Guli's 
peace  of  mind,  to  the  modest  tutor  of  the  young  Pening- 
tons.  He  lived  all  his  life  near  Jordans  and  Chalfont, 
and  remained  always  a  valued  friend  of  William  and 
Guli  Penn. 

Ellwood  spent  some  years  of  childhood  in  London,  to 
which  his  father  had  removed  for  safety  during  the  first 
civil  war.  There  they  made  the  acquaintance  of  Lady 
Springett,  newly  widowed,  and  Ellwood  says  "  I  became 
an  early  and  particular  playfellow  to  her  daughter  Guli ; 
being  admitted  as  such  to  ride  with  her  in  her  little  coach 
drawn  by  her  footman  about  Lincoln's  Inn  Fields." 
So  the  lifelong  friendship  began  at  the  perambulator 
period.  The  next  meeting  was  in  1659,  when  Ellwood 
was  twenty  and  Guli  fifteen.  Ellwood  and  his  father 
went  to  pay  their  friends,  now  Isaac  and  Mary  Penington, 
a  visit,  on  their  coming  to  live  at  the  Grange,  Chalfont, 
about  fifteen  miles  from  their  own  home  at  Crowell. 
They  were  astounded  to  find  they  had  turned  Quaker, 
whatever  that  might  be. 

"  So  great  change  from  a  free,  debonair  and  courtly  sort  of 
behaviour  to  so  strict  a  gravity  as  they  now  received  us  with,  did 
not  a  little  amuse  us,  and  disappoint  our  expectation  of  such  a 
pleasant  visit  as  we  used  to  have,  and  had  now  promised  our- 
selves. For  my  part  I  sought  and  at  length  found  means  to  cast 
myself  into  the  company  of  the  daughter,  whom  I  found  gather- 
ing some  flowers  in  the  garden,  attended  by  her  maid.  But 
when  I  addressed  myself  to  her,  though  she  treated  me  with  a 
courteous  mien,  yet  (young  as  she  was),  the  gravity  of  her  look 
and  behaviour  struck  such  an  awe  upon  me,  that  I  found  myself 
not  so  much  master  of  myself  as  to  pursue  any  further  converse 


with  her.  Wherefore,  asking  pardon  for  my  boldness  in  having 
intruded  myself  into  her  private  walks,  I  withdrew,  not  without 
some  disorder  of  mind." 

"  We  stayed  dinner,  which  was  very  handsome,  and  lacked 
nothing  to  recommend  it  to  me,  but  the  want  of  mirth  and 
pleasant  discourse." 

The  next  visit,  however,  was  the  means  of  Ellwood's 
own  conversion  to  Quakerism,  and  he  became,  from 
1662,  an  inmate  of  the  Peningtons'  home  as  tutor.  He 
writes  : 

"  While  thus  I  remained  in  this  Family,  various  Suspicions 
arose  in  the  Minds  of  some  concerning  me  with  respect  to  Mary 
Penington's  fair  Daughter  Guli.  For  she  having  now  arrived 
at  a  Marriageable  Age,  and  being  in  all  respects  a  very 
desirable  Woman,  (whether  regard  was  had  to  her  outward 
Person,  which  wanted  nothing  to  render  her  completely  Comely, 
or  to  the  Endowments  of  her  mind,  which  were  every  way  Extra- 
ordinary and  highly  Obliging,  or  to  her  outward  Fortune,  which 
was  fair,  and  which  with  some  hath  not  the  last  nor  the  least  place 
in  Consideration),  she  was  openly  and  secretly  sought  and  solicited 
by  many,  and  some  of  them  almost  of  every  rank  and  condition  : 
good  and  Bad,  Rich  and  Poor,  Friend  and  Foe.  To  whom,  in 
their  respective  turns,  (till  he  at  length  came  for  whom  she  was 
reserved),  she  carried  herself  with  so  much  evenness  of  Temper, 
such  courteous  Freedom,  guarded  with  the  strictest  Modesty,  that 
as  it  gave  Encouragement  or  grounds  of  Hope  to  none,  so  neither 
did  it  minister  any  matter  of  Offence  or  just  Cause  of  Com- 
plaint to  any.  But  such  as  were  thus  engaged  for  themselves  or 
desirous  to  make  themselves  Advocates  for  others,  could  not, 
I  observed,  but  look  upon  me  with  an  Eye  of  Jealousie  and  Fear, 
that  I  would  improve  the  Opportunities  I  had  by  frequent  and 
familiar  Conversation  with  her,  to  my  own  Advantage,  in  working 
myself  into  her  good  Opinion  and  Favour,  to  the  Ruin  of  their 



"  Some  others,  measuring  me  by  the  Propensity  of  their  own 

Inclinations,  concluded  I  would  steal  her,  run  away  with  her,  and 

Marry  her ;    which  they  thought  I  might  be  the  more   easily 

induced  to  do,  from  the  advantageous  opportunities  I  frequently 


had  of  riding  and  walking  abroad  with  her,  by  Night  as  well  as 
by  Day,  without  any  other  company  than  her  Maid." 

"  I  was  not  ignorant  of  the  various  Fears  which  filled  the 

jealous  Heads  of  some  concerning  me,  neither  was  I  so  stupid, 

nor  so  divested  of  all  humanity,  as  not  to  be  sensible  of  the  real 

and  innate  Worth  and  Vertue  which  adorned  that  excellent 

Dame,  and  attracted  the  Eyes  and  Hearts  of  so  many,  with  the 

greatest  Importunity  to  seek  and  solicit  her  ;  nor  was  I  so  devoid 

of  Natural  Heat,  as  not  to  feel  some  Sparklings  of  Desire,  as  well 

as  others.     But  the  force  of  Truth  and  Sense  of  Honour  supprest 

whatever  would  have  arisen  beyond  the  bounds  of  fair  and 

vertuous  Friendship." 


"  Wherefore,  having  observed  how  some  others  had  befool'd 
themselves,  by  misconstruing  her  common  Kindness  (expressed 
in  an  innocent,  open,  free,  and  familiar  Conversation,  springing 
form  the  abundant  Affability,  Courtesy,  and  Sweetness  of  her 
natural  Temper),  to  be  the  Effect  of  a  singular  Regard  and 
peculiar  Affection  to  them,  I  resolved  to  shun  the  Rock,  on  which 
I  had  seen  so  many  run  and  spUt ;  and  remembering  that  saying 
of  the  Poet : 

'  Felix  quem  faciunt  aliena  Pericula  cautum, 
Happy's  He 
Whom  others'  Dangers  wary  make  to  be.' 
I  governed  myself  in  a  free  yet  respectful  Carriage  towards  her, 
that  I  thereby  both  preserved  a  fair  Reputation  with  my  Friends 
and  Enjoyed  as  much  of  her  Favour  and  Kindness,  in  a  virtuous 
and  firm  Friendship,  as  was  fit  for  her  to  show  or  for  me  to  seek."* 
Ellwood's  account  of  his  defence  of  Guli  from  rough 
soldiers  on  the  road,  by  skilful  horsemanship,  in  1669, 
is  very  entertaining.  He  acted  as  business  manager  for 
her  in  dealing  with  her  tenants  ;  and  in  1682,  when  she 
had  been  married  ten  years,  she  fell  ill  when  her  husband 
was  in  America,  and  sent  for  their  friend  Thomas  Ellwood 
to  support  and  advise  her  as  of  old.  The  whole  story  is 
a  beautiful  idyll,  and  a  charming  Quaker  interior,  in 
strong  relief  from  the  stormy  exterior  events  which  fill 
the  biography  of  William  Penn. 

*  Autobiography,  pp.  181-6. 



On  the  5th  of  February,  1671  (new  style),  we  find 
William  Penn  in  London  again,  suffering  from  the  machi- 
nations of  Sir  Samuel  Starling  the  Lord  Mayor,  and  Sir 
John  Robinson  the  Governor  of  the  Tower,  whom  Pepys 
calls  a  "bufflehead"  and  a  "loggerhead."  He  attended 
meeting  at  Wheeler  Street,  and  was  arrested  by  a  picket  of 
soldiers  as  he  rose  to  speak,  and  taken  to  the  Tower.  But 
the  authorities  now  had  a  trick  which  did  not  need 
the  support  of  a  jury  whom  they  could  not  count 
on.  If  you  cannot  gaol  a  Quaker  in  any  other  way, 
you  present  to  him  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  king. 
He  cannot  take  an  oath  of  any  kind,  and  will  refuse 
to  do  so,  though  loyal  to  the  king.  You  can  then 
send  him  to  gaol  easily.  This  suffering  by  Friends  for 
apparent  disloyalty  of  which  they  had  none,  because  they 
were  against  all  oaths,  is  a  parallel  to  the  reproach  for 
want  of  patriotism,  to  which  they  are  liable  in  time  of 
war,  when  they  are  as  patriotic  as  other  people,  but  are 
against  all  war.  This  trick,  which  constantly  assisted 
the  Quaker  persecutions,  they  determined  to  try  on 
William  Penn. 

After  three  hours  in  the  guard  room  at  the  Tower  he 
was  taken  upstairs  to  the  Governor,  Starling  also  being 
present,  and  others.  But  the  public  were  carefully 
excluded,  as  experience  recommended.  The  prisoner 
was  examined  by  Robinson,  who  began  by  insolently 
pretending  not  to  know  him,  though  he  had  been  under  his 



charge  in  the  Tower  for  eight  months,  and  they  had  met 
recently  in  the  Lord  Mayor's  court  at  the  Old  Bailey. 
It  then  appeared  that  the  court  did  not  proceed  under  the 
Conventicle  Act,  but  under  the  Five  Mile  Act,  by  which 
Nonconformist  ministers  were  to  be  forbidden  to  reside 
within  five  miles  of  a  corporate  town.  The  Lord  Mayor 
had  apparently  not  realised  that  neither  his  prisoner  nor 
any  other  Friend  was  an  official  or  ordained  minister, 
to  whom  alone  the  Act  applied.  To  cut  short  this  diffi- 
culty, the  Court  demanded  that  the  accused  should  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance.  The  usual  consequence  followed 
from  his  refusal.  He  was  sent  to  Newgate  for  six  months. 
The  verbatim  report  of  the  trial  is  in  all  the  Lives  of  Penn  ; 
it  was  utterly  undignified  on  the  part  of  the  Court, 
brilliant  and  courageous  on  Penn's  side.  These  trials 
give  one  the  lowest  idea  of  English  public  life  at  this 
degraded  time.     Penn's  final  address  ran  :— 

"  I  would  have  thee  and  all  other  men  to  know  that  I  scorn 
that  religion  which  is  not  worth  suffering  for,  and  able  to  sustain 
those  that  are  afflicted  for  it ;  mine  is,  and  whatever  may  be  my 
lot  for  my  constant  profession  of  it  I  am  nowise  careful,  but 
resigned  to  answer  the  will  of  God,  by  the  loss  of  goods,  liberty, 
and  life  itself.  When  you  have  all,  you  can  have  no  more  ;  and 
then,  perhaps,  you  will  be  contented,  and  by  that  you  will  be 
better  informed  of  our  innocency.  Thy  religion  persecutes, 
and  mine  forgives ;  and  I  desire  my  God  to  forgive  you  all  that 
are  concerned  in  my  commitment,  and  I  leave  you  all  in  perfect 
charity,  wishing  your  everlasting  salvation. 

"  Robinson. — Send  a  corporal  with  a  file  of  musketeers  along 
with  him. 

"  Penn. — No,  no,  send  thy  lacquey ;  I  know  the  way  to 

No  biography  of  William  Penn  would  be  complete 
Without  some  description  of  the  Newgate  of  his  day. 
Thomas  Ellwood  gives  the  following  account  of  it  in  his 
'*  Autobiography." 


"  The  common  side  of  Newgate  is  generally  accounted,  as  it 
really  is,  the  Worst  Part  of  that  Prison  ;  not  so  much  from  the 
Place,  as  the  People  :  it  being  usually  stocked  from  the  veriest 
Rogues  and  meanest  sort  of  Felons  and  Pick-Pockets,  who,  not 
being  able  to  pay  Chamber-Rent  on  the  Master's  Side,  are  thrust 
in  there.  And  if  they  come  in  Bad,  to  be  sure  they  do  not  go  out 
better  :  for  here  they  have  the  opportunity  to  instruct  one 
another  in  their  Art,  and  impart  to  each  other  what  Improvements 
they  have  made  therein. 

"  The  Common  Hall  is  a  good  Place  to  walk  in,  when  the 
Prisoners  are  out  of  it  (saving  the  danger  of  catching  some  Cattle, 
which  they  may  have  left  in  it)  :  and  there  I  used  to  walk  in  a 
Morning  before  they  were  let  up,  and  sometimes  in  the  Day 
time  when  they  have  been  there. 

"  We  had  the  liberty  of  the  Hall  (which  is  on  the  first  story 
over  the  gate,  and  which  in  the  daytime  is  common  to  all  the 
prisoners  on  that  side,  felons  as  well  as  others,  to  walk  in,  and  to 
beg  out  of),  and  we  had  also  the  liberty  of  some  other  rooms  over 
the  Hall  to  walk  or  to  work  in  a-days ;  but  in  the  night  we  all 
lodged  in  one  room,  which  was  large  and  round,  having  in  the 
middle  of  it  a  great  pillar  of  oaken  timber,  which  bore  up  the 
chapel  that  is  over  it.  To  this  pillar  we  fastened  our  hammocks 
at  one  end,  and  to  the  opposite  wall  on  the  other  end,  quite  round 
the  room,  and  in  three  degrees  or  three  stories  high,  one  over  the 
other ;  so  that  they  who  lay  in  the  upper  and  middle  row  of 
hammocks  were  obliged  to  go  to  bed  first,  because  they  were  to 
climb  up  to  the  higher  by  getting  into  the  lower  ;  and  under  the 
lower  rank  of  hammocks,  by  the  wall  sides,  were  laid  beds  upon 
the  floor,  in  which  the  sick  and  such  weak  persons  as  could  not  get 
into  the  hammocks  lay  ;  and  indeed,  though  the  room  was  large 
and  pretty  airy,  yet  the  breath  and  steam  that  came  from  so  many 
bodies  of  different  ages,  conditions,  and  constitutions,  packed  up 
so  close  together,  was  enough  to  cause  sickness  amongst  us,  and 
I  believe  did  so,  for  there  were  many  sick,  and  some  very  weak. 
Though  we  were  not  long  there,  yet  in  that  time  one  of  our  fellow 
prisoners,  who  lay  in  one  of  those  pallet-beds,  died. 

"  A  coroner's  inquest  being  held  over  the  body  of  the  deceased, 
one  of  the  jury  insisted  upon  being  shown  the  room  where  he 
died  ;  this  was  granted  by  the  keeper  with  great  reluctance,  and 
when  the  jury  came  to  the  door,  the  foreman  who  led  them,  lifting 


up  liis  hands  said,  '  Lord  bless  me,  what  a  sight  is  here  ?  I  did 
not  think  there  had  been  so  much  cruelty  in  the  hearts  of  English- 
men, to  use  Englishmen  in  this  manner  !  We  need  not  now 
question, (said  he  to  the  rest  of  the  jury), how  this  man  came  by 
his  death  :  we  may  rather  wonder  that  they  are  not  all  dead,  for 
this  place  is  enough  to  breed  an  infection  among  them."    .... 

"  I  have  sometimes  occasionally  been  in  the  Hall  in  an  Evening 
and  have  seen  the  Whores  let  in  unto  them  (which  I  take  to  be  a 
common  Practice)  :  Nasty  sluts  indeed  they  were,  and  in  that 
respect  the  more  suitable.  And  as  I  have  passed  by  them,  I 
have  heard  the  Rogues  and  them  making  their  Bargains,  which 
and  which  of  them  should  Company  together  that  Night.  Which 
abominable  Wickedness  must  be  imputed  to  the  Dishonesty  of 
the  Turnkeys  ;  who,  for  vile  Gain  to  themselves,  not  only  suffer 
but  further  this  Lewdness. 

"  These  are  some  of  the  common  Evih,  which  make  the 
Common  Side  of  Newgate  in  measure  a  Type  of  Hell  upon  Earth. 
But  there  was,  at  that  time,  something  of  another  Nature,  more 
Particular  and  Accidental,  which  was  very  Offensive  to  me. 

"  When  we  came  first  into  Newgate,  there  lay  (in  a  little  By- 
place  like  a  Closet,  near  the  room  where  we  were  Lodged)  the 
Quartered  Booies  of  three  men,  who  had  been  Executed  some 
days  before,  for  a  real  or  pretended  Plot  :  which  was  the  ground 
or  at  least  Pretext,  for  that  Storm  in  the  City,  which  had  caused 
this  Imprisonment.  The  Names  of  these  three  men  were  Philips, 
Tongue  and  Gibs  :  and  the  Reason  why  their  Quarters  lay  so  long 
there  was.  The  Relations  were  all  that  while  Petitioning  to  have 
leave  to  bury  them  :  which  at  length,  with  much  ado,  was  obtained 
for  the  Quarters,  but  not  for  the  Heads,  which  were  Ordered 
to  be  set  up  in  some  parts  of  the  City. 

"  I  saw  the  Heads  when  they  were  brought  up  to  be  Boyled. 
The  Hangman  fetch'd  them  in  a  dirty  Dust  Basket,  out  of  some 
By-Place,  and  setting  them  down  amongst  the  Felons,  he  and  they 
made  Sport  with  them.  They  took  them  by  the  Hair,  Flouting, 
Jeering,  and  Laughing  at  them  :  and  then  giving  them  some  ill 
names,  box'd  them  on  the  Ears  and  Cheeks.  Which  done,  the 
Hangman  put  them  into  his  Kettle,  and  parboyl'd  them  with 
Bay-Salt  and  Cummin-Seed  :  that  to  keep  them  from  Putre- 
faction, and  this  to  keep  off  the  Fowls  from  seizing  on  them. 
The  whole  Sight  (as  well  that  of  the  Bloody  Quarters  first,  as  this 


of  the  Heads  afterwards)  was  both  frightful  and  loathsom,  and 
begat  an  Abhorrence  in  my  Nature.  Which  as  it  had  rendered 
my  Confinement  there  by  much  the  more  uneasie,  so  it  made  our 
removal  from  thence  to  Bridewell,  even  in  that  respect,  the  more 

Penn  and  his  friends  had  hired  lodgings  on  the  other 
side  of  the  gaol,  but  the  ill  treatment  and  abuse  they 
received  from  the  gaolers  caused  them,  as  a  testimony,  to 
go  into  "  the  common  stinking  gaol,  among  the  felons." 
He  wrote  a  complaint  to  the  Sheriff  of  London  about  it. 

William  Penn  pointed  out  to  Robinson  and  Starling  at 
the  trial  that  imprisonment  would  only  have  the  effect  of 
making  the  sufferer  more  conspicuous  and  influential. 
It  might  also  have  been  pointed  out  to  them  that  they 
were  giving  him  the  leisure  to  write  books.  During  the 
half  year  in  Newgate  he  was  busy  with  "  The  Great  Case 
of  Liberty  of  Concience,"  a  vigorous  defence  of  Toleration, 
then  a  novelty:  "  Truth  Rescued  from  Imposture,"  the 
work  quoted  above  on  Sir  William  Penn,  "  A  Serious 
Apology  for  Quakers,"  and  several  shorter  manifestoes. 

When  WilHam  Penn  was  released  in  August,  he  went 
over  to  Holland  and  Germany,  not,  as  one  might  suppose, 
to  recuperate,  or  not  wholly  so,  for  he  was  preaching 
the  Quaker  gospel  all  the  time.  Our  knowledge  of  this 
short  journey  is  derived  from  incidental  allusions  taken 
from  his  own  account  of  his  travels  in  Holland  and 
Germany  in  1677,  by  which  time  there  was  evidently 
quite  a  widespread  organisation  of  the  Society  in  that 
part  of  the  continent.  We  may  remember  that  William 
Penn's  mother  had  Dutch  connections,  and  that  he  could 
speak  both  Low  and  High  German,  that  is  both  Dutch 
and  what  we  now  call  German.  A  letter  which  he  wrote 
after  his  return,  to  Dr.  Haesbert,  of  Embden,  shows  that 
that  town  on  the  estuary  of  the  Ems  was  a  place  where  he 
found  scope  for  his  gospel.  The  letter  to  Dr.  Haesbert 
shows  that,  as  ever,  Quakerism  was  an  appeal  from  theo- 
logical   belief    and    ritual    form    to    inward    experience. 


"  This  thou  must  expect  from  the  carnal  fleshly  and 
historical  Christian  of  the  outward  courts  and  suburbs 
of  religion,  who  is  an  enemy  to  the  spiritual  seed  that  sees 
to  the  end  of  all  meats,  drinks,  washings,  figures  and 
bodily  exercises."  The  letter  is  really  a  sermon,  like  most 
of  the  epistles  of  the  time.  The  only  personal  allusion  is 
in  a  postcript,  "  My  love  is  to  thy  wife,  and  salute  me 
kindly  to  those  who  were  at  Meeting  when  I  was  at 

Penn  paid  a  visit,  which  must  have  interested  him 
a  good  deal,  to  a  little  group  of  Catholic  sectaries  under 
the  leadership  of  De  Labadie,  who  had  left  the  Catholic 
Church  in  revolt  against  formalities,  and  had  joined  the 
French  Protestants ;  but  their  Calvinistic  doctrine  was  not 
more  satisfactory  to  a  seeking  mystic,  so  with  a  few 
disciples  he  moved  into  Holland,  where  there  was  toler- 
ation for  religious  opinions ;  there  he  carried  on  a 
controversy  against  the  clerical  systems  about  him,  so  that 
he  had  once  more  to  flee,  and  found  protection  at  the 
Court  of  Princess  Elisabeth  of  the  Rhine  at  Herwerden. 
Here  William  Penn  found  him.  But  De  Labadie  gave 
Penn  no  opportunity  to  influence  any  of  his  flock.  This 
intrusion  of  personal  jealousy  into  a  lofty  mysticism 
struck  Penn  unfavourably.  "  I  saw  the  airiness  and 
unstableness  of  the  man's  spirit  and  that  a  sect  master 
was  his  name,"  "and  it  was  upon  me,  both  by  word  of 
mouth  and  by  writing,  that  the  enemy  would  prevail 
against  them  to  draw  them  into  inconvenient  things,  if  they 
came  not  to  be  stayed  in  the  light  of  Jesus  Christ  and  to 
know  the  holy  silence."  Penn  records  later  that  this  did 
happen  to  them.  Miscarriages  fell  out  at  Herwerden  and 
they  removed  to  the  north  of  Holland  to  the  mansion 
house  of  the  Somerdyke  family.  Penn  says,  "  Yea,  they 
were  something  angelical  and  like  to  the  celestial  bodies, 
yet  if  they  kept  not  their  station  they  would  prove  fallen 
stars."  Great  indeed  in  all  ages  have  been  the  dangers 
in  the  path  of  spiritual  research. 


(^^   -V.'-A    r,/  d^i     /^y,J  ^^fi-  M*-^'^J^*   /Xi-    y^..,A, 
I^    r-^iiU/    ^^A^Ji*"  ,K?,wO-W     /CS^r   <J   ^■^■■/'a4,.-^    ^-.f'   _". 

^^,  ..J 


^      /-     ,-         '1.,  ,0  •     "'  .  -       /• 

\'^   ^  r   f    ■ 

C^i.'tJ'^  y^^-^^A    c//j^^/:,    -/V/;  .:'-..^.Arf^/^--  f-^   "-^ 

'/^,^-|Aj(C    /-^*     i»~-nt    e.M^j^,„    ^,.«^/vi^<^>-  r^U~^^.i'j   '^  trt^'yf'^^J 

c^  Vi  i,«.  i^v/;*^  v/X'z-v*/. ; 






CUU.Lm'.    T'      '''""'°'      CERTIK.CATE      OF      W.L.AM      AND 


Reproduced   from   original   at   Somerset    House. 


The  continental  journey  was  most  of  it  travel  through 
"  a  very  dark  country,"  "  under  a  great  weight  and  suffer- 
ing in  my  spirit."  It  seems  to  have  lasted  only  a  few 
months,  after  which  he  returned  to  his  beloved  friends  near 
Chalfont.  He  and  Guli  were  married  on  April  4th,  1672, 
and  established  themselves  in  a  country  home  at  Basing 
House,  Rickmansworth,  six  miles  from  Chalfont.  Their 
marriage  took  place  at  King's  Farm,  Chorleywood,  a  fine 
old  timbered  building,  a  portion  of  which  is  still  standing.* 
It  was  the  beginning  of  some  months  of  rest  and  happiness 
such  as  the  stormy  life  of  a  Quaker  apostle  had  never  yet 
permitted  him.  The  King's  Declaration  of  Indulgence, 
which  stopped  the  Quaker  persecution  for  a  time,  came 
just  when  the  young  people  were  settling  down  in  their 
lovely  country  home  to  the  earliest  days  of  wedded 
happiness.  In  the  beautiful  advice  to  his  children  which 
William  Penn  wrote  long  after  Guli  was  dead,  he  says  that 
she  loved  him  with  a  deep  and  upright  love,  choosing  him 
before  all  her  many  suitors.  The  congenial  task  of  esta- 
blishing a  home  occupied  his  unresting  spirit  till 
September,  when  he  went  on  a  journey  in  the  ministry  in 
the -counties  of  Kent,  Sussex  and  Surrey,  holding  meetings 
at  twenty-one  different  places  in  three  weeks,  a  task  more 
serious  in  those  days  of  riding  and  driving  than  now. 
The  journey  seems  to  have  been  a  very  fruitful  one. 
Penn  writes  :  "  And  thus  hath  the  Lord  been  with  us  in 
all  our  travels  for  truth,  and  in  His  blessing  of  peace  are 
we  returned,  which  is  a  blessing  beyond  all  worldly 

*  The  farm  has  of  late  years  been  renovated  and  much  added  to 
by  the  Hon.  Arthur  Capell,  who  has  taken  a  great  interest  in  the  Penn 
associations  of  the  district. 


A  Quaker  Apostle  in  Controversy 


We  have  now  reached  the  autumn  of  1672,  and  though 
William  Penn  was  still  only  twenty-eight  we  may  think 
of  him  as  a  mature  and  established  personality.  His 
convictions  had  taken  their  lifelong  form,  and  had  borne 
the  test  of  Newgate  and  the  Tower,  as  well  as  the  harder 
conflict  with  family  affection.  He  had  now  put  the  world 
well  behind  him,  and  had  entered  on  the  stormy  and 
adventurous  career  of  a  Quaker  apostle.  He  was  happily 
married  and  settled  in  life,  and  a  little  family  was  grow- 
ing up  around  the  parents'  knees  at  Basing  House. 
For  anything  that  he  knew,  he  was  now  embarking 
on  the  business  of  his  life,  a  business  of  constant  battle. 
These  years  were  at  any  rate  filled,  like  the  Iliad,  with 
war,  and  he  could  not  know  that  the  more  famous 
Odyssey  was  yet  to  be  written  concerning  the  seas  and  the 
shores  of  the  West.  Taking  together  the  next  three 
years,  we  find  him  constantly  travelling  in  the  ministry, 
accompanied  at  the  beginning  of  the  time  by  his  helpful 
and  charming  wife.  But  besides  the  nervous  energy 
perpetually  expended  in  preaching,  he  was  always  carrying 
on  printed  controversy.  During  this  time  he  wrote  no 
fewer  than  twenty-six  books  and  pamphlets,  some,  as  we 
shall  see,  of  great  length,  and  all  full  of  matter.  They 
included  two  political  works,  "  A  Treatise  on  Oaths," 
and     "  England's     Present     Interest     Considered."     The 



Declaration  of  Indulgence  of  1672  had  the  effect  of  letting 
controversy  loose  between  Friends  and  the  other  Non- 
eonformist  churches.  During  the  period  of  imprisonment 
the  latter  had  followed  the  dictates  of  what  they  called 
Christian  prudence,  and  if  they  held  their  meetings  at  all 
they  held  them  out  of  sight,  at  places  and  times  where  it 
was  quite  easy  for  any,  except  a  very  zealous  official,  to 
know  nothing  about  them.  Friends,  however,  had  no 
mind  to  follow  their  example.  Their  meetings  had  been 
held  ostentatiously  at  the  usual  place  and  time.  If  they 
were  kept  out  of  the  Meeting  House,  they  held  it  in  the 
street.  If  the  Meeting  House  was  destroyed  they  met 
among  the  ruins.  If  all  the  grown-up  people  were  put 
in  prison  the  children  held  the  meeting  by  themselves. 
On  Friends,  therefore,  had  fallen  the  brunt  of  the 
Anglican  attack.  Under  their  shelter  the  Presbyterian, 
the  Baptist,  and  the  Independent  had  escaped.  All  this 
had  naturally  led  to  an  increase  of  the  Society  at  the 
expense  of  the  other  denominations,  a  state  of  things  sure 
to  produce  acrid  controversy,  and  William  Penn  was  now 
a  leading  swordsman  in  the  fray.  Joseph  Besse  rightly 
says  that  "  he  never  turned  his  back  in  the  day  of  battle." 
The  controversy  with  Thomas  Hicks,  at  the  beginning  of 
1673,  was  the  most  important  of  these,  and  well  worth 
treating  in  full.     Others  may  be  briefly  summarised. 

An  anonymous  author  wrote  The  Spirit  of  the 
Quakers  Tried,  and  Penn  answered  with  The  Spirit  of 
Truth  Vindicated.  The  eccentric  visionaries,  Ludovic 
Muggleton  and  John  Reeve  (the  latter  comparing  himself  to 
Moses,  as  the  recipient  of  revelations  which  he  was  bidden 
to  communicate  to  Muggleton,  whom  he  compared  to 
Aaron)  were  making  much  stir  at  this  time,  and  were 
often  confused  with  Friends,  probably  wilfully,  by  the 
Government.  They  would  hardly  have  made  this  mistake 
if  they  had  read  William  Penn's  letter  to  "  Ludovic 
Muggleton,  an  Accuser  of  the  Brethren,  False  Prophet 
and  Impostor  (though  otherwise  an  adversary  of  little 


moment)."  John  Morse,  of  Watford,  received  a  reply 
to  his  defamations  in  a  book  called  Plain  Dealing 
with  a  Traducing  Anabaptist.  Henry  Hedworth  wrote  a 
paper  called  Controversy  Ended,  provoking  from  William 
Penn  in  answer  A  Winding-sheet  for  Controversy  Ended. 
John  Faldo,  an  Independent  preacher  near  Barnet, 
gradually  losing  his  congregation,  wrote,  not  unnaturally, 
a  book  called  Quakerism  no  Christianity.  Penn  replied  in 
Quakerism  a  new  Nickname  for  Old  Christianity.  Faldo 
followed  with  A  Vindication  and  Penn  rejoined  with 
The  Invalidity  of  John  Faldo's  Vindication.  Faldo  then 
sent  William  Penn  a  challenge  to  an  intellectual  combat, 
to  which  Penn  replied.  Faldo  then  published  A  Curb  to 
William  Penn's  Confidence,  and  Penn  responded  with 
A  Return  to  John  Faldo's  Reply,  and  so  got  the  last  word. 
Henry  Halliwell  wrote  An  Account  of  Familism  as  it  is 
revised  and  propagated  by  the  Quake) s.  This  was,  of  course, 
a  slander,  and  Penn  published  a  treatise  entitled  Wisdom 
Justified  of  Her  Children.  We  have  not,  however,  quite 
done  with  Faldo,  for  "  One  and  Twenty  Learned  and 
Reverend  Divines  "  wrote  a  commendatory  preface  to  a 
new  edition  of  Faldo's  book  Quakerism  no  Christianity. 
Penn  in  response  gave  A  Just  Rebuke  to  One  and  Twenty 
Learned  and  Reverend  Divines,  with  a  vigorous  preface. 
Samuel  Grevil,  a  priest  near  Banbury,  published  a  dis- 
course against  the  testimony  of  the  Light  Within,  to  which 
William  Penn  replied  with  Urim  and  Thummin. 

This  somewhat  tedious  list  may  give  the  reader,  if 
he  has  enough  patience  to  read  it,  a  better  idea  of  our 
hero's  life  at  this  time  than  generalities  would  give  him. 
We  now  come,  however,  to  the  more  interesting  case 
of  Thomas  Hicks,  a  Baptist  preacher.  Early  in  1673, 
this  man  brought  out  A  Dialogue  between  a  Christian  and 
a  Quaker,  thereby  excluding  Quakerism  from  the  pale 
of  Christianity,  and  of  course  giving  much  the  best  of  the 
argument  to  the  Christian.  The  verisimilitude  of  the 
writing  was  such  that  it  gave  the  impression  of  being  the 








report  of  an  actual  dialogue.  We  know  how  provoking 
it  is  to  have  one's  views  put  badly  by  an  adversary,  and 
William  Penn  wrote  in  reply  one  of  his  most  important 
books,  The  Christian-Quaker  and  His  Divine  Testimony 
Stated  and  Vindicated  from  Scripture,  Reason  and  Authority. 
It  occupies  seventy  large  folio  pages,  closely  printed,  in 
the  Collected  Works,  and  is  written  with  the  usual 
exuberant  lack  of  restraint  in  style.  It  is,  however, 
thoroughly  central  to  the  Quaker  gospel,  and  I  will 
attempt  a  summary  of  it. 

William  Penn  began  by  defining  salvation  as  being 
saved  from  sin  here  and  the  wages  of  it  in  the  wrath  to 
come,  his  point  being  to  attack  the  current  doctrine  that 
salvation  merely  meant   being  saved  from   punishment 
hereafter.     He  defines  the  Light  which  leads  to  salvation 
as  that  which  discovers  the  state  of  man  and  leads  to 
blessedness,     "  It  enlighteneth  every  man  that  cometh 
into  the  world,  and  every  one  that  doeth  evil  hateth  the 
light  lest  his  deeds  should  be  reproved."     He  met    the 
objection  that  all  men  did  not  obey  the  Light  they  were 
supposed   to    have,    also   the    objection   to    the    Light's 
sufficiency,  an  objection  derived  from  the  imperfection 
of   human   knowledge   and   perception.     He    says    that 
the   words   seed,   light,    word,    spirit,   life,   truth,  power, 
unction,  bread,  water,  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ,  are  all 
essentially  the  same  thing  and  signify    the   divine    prin- 
ciple in  man.     He  then  proves  that  the  Light  was  ante- 
cedent to  Christ's  coming  and  "  saved  man  from  Adam's 
day  through  the  holy  Patriarchs  and  Prophets."     This 
argument,  occupying  chapter  five,  is  an  argument  derived 
from  the  Scriptures.     The  imaginary  objector  in  chapter 
six  replies  that  that  may  be  all  very  well  for  the  Chosen 
People,  but  the  Gentiles  had  no  such  privilege.     The  reply 
to  this  shows  William  Penn  at  his  best,  and  he  is  easily 

In  the  seventh  and  five  following  chapters  he  brings  a 
perfectly    marvellous    store    of    classical     and     patristic 


learning  to  bear  on  his  favourite  theme,  so  characteristic 
of  early  Quakerism,  the  nobility  and  the  true  and  accept- 
able faith  of  the  non-Christian  world.  The  great  and 
noble  of  all  ages  fill  his  pages  with  their  resonant  voices 
of  inspiration,  and  put  to  shame  the  tin  trumpets 
of  his  Christian  evangelical  opponents.  The  points 
of  what  he  calls  Gentile  Divinity  are  these  :  that  the 
Gentiles  believed  that  there  was  one  God,  that  He 
enlightened  all  men  with  a  saving  light,  that  all  men 
ought  to  live  piously,  that  the  soul  is  immortal,  that  there 
is  an  eternal  recompense.  Point  by  point  he  proves  these 
from  the  Greek  and  Roman  philosophers  and  moralists. 
Many  of  his  references  are  given  from  the  originals,  many 
also  he  quotes  from  the  writings  of  Clement  of  Alexandria, 
of  whose  works  he  was  not  unnaturally  a  great  student. 
Friends,  indeed,  are  in  the  line  of  the  successors  of  Clement 
and  the  early  Greek  Fathers,  as  Calvin  was  in  the  line 
that  came  down  from  Augustine.  These  extracts  are 
in  themselves  the  choicest  fruits  of  ancient  literature,  and 
they  must  have  been  a  storehouse  of  reinforcement  to  the 
plain  dalesmen,  who  before  the  convincement  of  Isaac 
Penington,  Robert  Barclay  and  William  Penn,  followed 
their  own  intuition  and  the  unlettered  spiritual  genius  of 
George  Fox. 

There  is  something  scriptural  about  these  traditional 
words  of  Orpheus  far  back  beyond  the  dawn  of  history, 
quoted  by  Clement  of  Alexandria  :  "  His  hand  reaches  to 
the  end  of  the  sea,  His  right  hand  is  everywhere,  and 
the  earth  is  under  His  feet.  He  is  only  begot  of  Himself, 
and  of  Him  alone  are  all  things  begot,  and  God  is  the  first 
and  the  last."  Through  Hesiod  we  come  to  Thales  with  his 
reference  to  "One  God  glorious  for  ever;  he  who  knows 
hearts  and  has  neither  beginning  nor  end."  He  draws 
through  Clement  on  the  Sibylline  books  and  through  Jam- 
blichus  on  Pythagoras.  Hcraclitus,  when  impeached  for 
being  an  enemy  to  idolatry,  writes  as  Isaiah  might  have 
written.      Through   Anaxagoras  he   comes   down   to   his 


favourite  Socrates,  on  whom  he  draws  liberally  for  all  the 
propositions  of  his  Gentile  Divinity.  William  Penn  was  in 
the  sequence  of  Socrates,  and  so  I  trust  are  Friends.  From 
Plato  he  passes  to  Zeno  and  the  Stoics.  Altogether  he 
brings  sixteen  authorities  to  support  his  view  that 
Monotheism  was  held  outside  either  Judaism  or 

His  second  fundamental  of  Gentile  Divinity,  namely 
that  God  hath  imprinted  the  knowledge  of  Himself  on 
the  minds  of  all  mankind,  is  supported  by  twelve  testi- 
monies of  individuals  and  societies.  Hiero  spoke  of  a 
domestic  God  or  God  within  the  hearts  and  souls  of  men  : 
"  The  eternal  mind  is  God  manifesting  himself  in  every 
particular  of  us.  God  is  that  which  in  mortal  men  gives 
them  to  know  aright  concerning  God."  The  Daimon  of 
Socrates  and  the  psychology  of  Plato  and  the  mysticism 
of  Plotinus  form  a  rich  store  for  quotation.  Cleanthes, 
Philo,  Plutarch,  Epictetus,  and  Seneca  are  copiously 

Penn  concludes  this  chapter  with  the  words, 

"  How  much  more  weighty,  O  Sober  and  impartial  Reader, 
are  these  inward  doctrines  of  the  Virtuous  Gentiles  than  the 
Vehement  Clamours  and  uncharitable  exclamations  of  empty 
Christians  against  them  ?  Who  seem  as  if  they  were  afraid  of 
nothing  more  than  inherent  Holiness,  though  of  Christ's  working, 
reputing  it  a  kind  of  Undervaluing  of  his  Blood,  to  feel  the 
inward  benefit  of  it ;  accounting  us  the  greatest  Hereticks  for 
assenting  to  the  greatest  Truth,  to  wit,  the  Sufi&ciency  of  His 
Universal  Light  in  the  hearts  of  men,  to  salvation." 

The  ninth  chapter  is  full  of  confirmation  of  these  truths, 
from  the  early  Christian  Fathers,  those  to  whom  Friends 
habitually  appeal  in  their  testimony  against  war  and 
oaths,  Justin  Martyr,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Tertullian, 
Origen  and  Lactantius.  There  are  also  later  Fathers  such 
as  Athanasius,  Chrysostom  and  Augustine.  Athanasius, 
in  reply  to  the  heathen  question,  "  How  know  you  that 
yours  is  the  right  way  ?   "  seems  to  have  said,  "  The  way 


whereby  to  attain  to  the  knowledge  of  God  is  within  us, 
which  is  proved  from  Moses,  who  saith,  '  The  Word  ot 
God  is  within  thy  heart,'  and  from  this  saying  of  Christ, 
'  The  faith  and  kingdom  of  God  is  within  you.'  " 

The  next  point  in  Gentile  Divinity,  that  they  were 
men  of  virtuous  lives  and  taught  that  that  was  indis- 
pensable, is  proved  in  voluminous  extracts,  but  will 
hardly  be  in  dispute.  A  quotation  from  Socrates,  very 
apropos  to  the  Christian-Quaker,  is  given  : 

"  I  think  it  most  unbeseeming  of  a  philosopher  to  sell  his 
advice,  and  extremely  contrary  to  my  practice,  for  ever  since  by 
God's  hand  I  entered  into  Philosophy  I  was  never  known  to  take 
anything,  but  keep  my  exercises  in  public  for  everyone  to  hear 
that  will." 

Chapter  eleven  proves  the  belief  in  immortality  from 
the  ancient  philosophers,  in  which,  naturally,  the  Pytho- 
goreans  and  Socrates  are  conspicuous,  including  the 
famous  quotation  from  the  Crito. 

He  closes  with  Vergil,  ^neid  VI.,  745-7  '■ 
"  Donee  longa  Dies  perfecto  temporis  orbe 
Concretam  exemit  labem  purumque  reliquit 
iEthereum  sensum  atque  aurai  simplicis  ignem." 

Which  we  may  translate : 

"  Till  the  long  age,  in  time's  completed  round,  has  taken  away 
the  worn  material  frame,  and  left  pure  the  divine  faculty  and 
clear-shining  air." 

And  adds  the  Golden  Distich  of  the  Pythagoreans. 

"Hv  S'aTToAei'i/'as  autfia  ts  aid^p    eX.iv6epov  eAijs 
"Ecroreai  d9dvaT0<;  9ehs  o.ixfiporo'i  ovk  Itl  ^i'tjt^s. 

"  And  when  thou  hast  left  the  body  and  entered  the  free  air, 
thou  shalt  be  immortal,  an  undying  god  no  longer  subject  to 

Finally  William  Penn  believed  that  the  heathen  had 
a  sight  of  the  coming  of  Christ.  Here  we  touch  the  world- 
wide vague  mystery  of  the  Messianic  hope  which  William 
Penn  expounds  as  he  and  so  many  others  have  found  it. 


in  the  famous  Fourth  Eclogue  of  Virgil.*  Modern 
classical  authority  is  more  inclined  to  ascribe  the  Eclogue 
to  laureate  flattery  about  some  coming  prince  of  the  house 
of  Augustus. 

The  author  proceeds  in  his  thirteenth  chapter  to 
admit  "  that  the  Jew  and  much  more  the  Christian  has 
the  advantage  of  the  Gentile,  yet  that  the  Gentile  had 
enough  for  salvation."  He  next  faces  the  central  objec- 
tion to  his  position,  which  he  states  as  follows  : 

"  Certainly  this  Light  within  can  be,  at  most,  but  the  Law  in 
the  Conscience,  answering  to  the  first  Covenant :  For  here  is 
scarce  any  Mention  made  of  Christ  in  this  long  Discourse ;  and 
if  this  Light  were  Christ,  as  is  affirmed  by  you  Quakers,  then  how 
comes  it,  that  he  was  not  so  called  of  Old  by  the  Jews  and  Greeks  ? 
And  why  Typified  to  come,  when  he  was  come  before,  and  whilst 
Typified  ?  And  further  in  what  Sense  can  he  be  understood  to 
bear  our  Iniquities,  and  Men  and  Women  to  be  saved  by  his 
Blood,  if  this  Light  be  the  Saviour,  Messiah,  Christ,  etc.,  as  you 
believe,  and  endeavour  to  maintain  now  in  the  World  ?  " 

Several  chapters  are  occupied  in  replying  to  this  in 
detail,  but  they  do  not  fit  to  our  thinking,  and 
the  objection  itself  is  only  given  here  to  show  the 
kind  of  argument  current  at  the  time.  It  would  appear 
that  theological  writing  is  subject  to  a  heavy  death  rate. 
Theological  conceptions  are  the  final  consummation,  and 
represent  the  total  conclusions,  of  all  the  impressions  we 
receive.  The  result  of  so  many  variable  and  ever- 
changing  factors  must  itself  be  subject  to  rapid  variation. 
Doubtless  the  few  eternal  truths  come  down  to  us  from 
the  eariiest  ages  fresh  and  young,  but  the  frameworks 
of  our  thought  melt  soon  after  dawn  in  the  sunshine  of 
each  new  age, 

•  Part  of  the  passage  runs  : 

"  Magnus  ab  integro  saeclorum  nascitur  ordo. 
Jam  redit  et  virgo,  redeunt  Saturnia  regna. 
Jam  nova  progenies  caelo  demittitur  alto." 
"  In  the  fulness  of  time  a  new  order  rises.     Now  returns    the  Virgin 
Justice,  and  Saturn's  happy  reign.      A    new   Son  is    sent   down    from 
heaven  above,  " 


Chapter  eighteen  consists  of  "  A  Confession,  in  par- 
ticular to  Redemption,  Remission,  Justification,  and 
Salvation  by  Christ."  This  is  a  long  chapter,  but  it  is 
written  without  enthusiasm,  and  one  has  the  feeling  that 
the  author  is  making  admissions  and  granting  concessions 
to  tradition  all  through.  It  is  extremely  difficult  to 
find  in  the  voluminous  paragraphs  a  very  clear  connection 
between  these  ordinary  orthodox  Christian  positions  and 
the  Gospel  of  the  Light  Within.  There  is  no  contrast 
or  antagonism  between  this  chapter  and  the  others,  but 
it  dwells  on  a  different  level  of  thought.  It  is  a  Treatise 
which  might  have  been  published  by  itself.  Its  relation 
to  the  rest  of  the  book  may  perhaps  be  expressed  in  the 
following  paragraph,  which  is  very  typical  of  the  author's 
style  : 

"  To  conclude :  We  say,  though  this  General  Victory  was 
obtained,  and  Holy  Privileges  therewith,  and  that  the  Holy  Body 
was  instrumentally  a  Sharer  therein,  yet  both  the  Efficient  or 
Chiefest  Cause  was  the  Divine  Light  of  Life,  that  so  clearly 
discriminated  and  deeply  wounded  this  Mystery  of  Iniquity,  and 
that  none  can  be  thereby  benefited,  but  as  they  come  to  Experi- 
ence the  Holy  Seed  of  Life,  who  is  God's  Mighty  Arm  of  Power, 
Revealed  to  effect  the  same  Salvation  from  Sin,  in  each  Particular 
Conscience  ;  and  which  none  can  fail  of,  who  first  receive  it  as  a 
Light  that  Manifesteth  and  Reproveth  Every  Evil  Way,  and  j| 
continue  to  walk  up  to  it  in  all  its  Holy  Manifestations."  * 

The  book  ends  with  a  chapter  to  show  that  Christ 
is  the  Light,  based  largely  on  the  first  chapter  of  the 
Fourth  Gospel,  and  an  argument  that  the  Light  Within 
is  universal  and  sufficient,  and  that  obedience  to  it  pro- 
duces righteousness. 

Hicks  replied  to  the  book  by  a  "Continuation"  of 
his  former  Dialogue.  Neither  disputant  had  yet  referred 
personally  to  the  other,  but  the  same  cannot  be  said  of 
William  Penn's  reply,  "  Reason  against  Ratling  and  Truth 
against  Fiction,  in  which  Thomas  Hicks'  Disingenuity 
is  Represented,  his  Profaneness  is  Rebuked,  his  Perjuries 


are  Detected,   his  Cavils  are  Confounded,  and    Thomas 
Hicks  is  proved  no  Christian  by  Several  Short  Arguments 
Raised  from  his  Ungodly  Way  of  Procedure  against  Us," 
by  "  one  who  cannot  but  contend  earnestly  for  the  True 
Faith    once    dehvered   to    the    Saints,    William    Penn." 
This  is  the  title  page  of   a    book    not   so   long   as   the 
"  Christian-  Quaker  "    but   still   containing  50,000   words 
and  full   of  very  mighty  abuse.     Hicks  replied  with  a 
further  "  Continuation  "  of  -his  Dialogue,  but   the   early 
Friends  did  not  feel  it  to  be  part  of  their  non-resistance 
doctrine  to  give  their  opponents  the  last  word,  and  Penn's 
final    answer    was    called    "  The    Counterfeit     Christian 
Detected,  Against  the  Vile  Forgeries,   Gross  Perversions, 
Black    Slanders,    Plain    Contradictions    and    Scurrilous 
Language  of  T.   Hicks  an  Annabaptist  Preacher,   by  a 
Lover  of  Truth  and  Peace,  W.P."     Hicks  made  no  reply. 
What  had  annoyed  Friends  so  much  over  this  business 
was  the  controversial  device  employed  by  Hicks  of  putting 
all  kinds  of  foolish  arguments  into  their  own  mouths  in 
dialogue.      William     Penn     described     the     imaginary 
Quaker  in  the  dialogue  as  "  A  man  of  straw  and  a  fool 
and  a  knave  of  his  own  creating."     Friends  felt  apparently 
that  they  were  not  yet  vindicated,  and  appealed  to  the 
Baptist  body  to  punish  Hicks  for  what  they  called   his 
"  Forgeries."     Their  case  was  so  strong  that  the  Baptists 
felt   obliged  to  grant  an  opportunity  for  a  public  dis- 
cussion in  which  Hicks  should  be  brought  to  account,  and 
the  meeting  was  appointed  to  be  held   at   the  Baptist 
Meeting  House  at  the  Barbican,  but  the  Baptists  con- 
trived to  fix  the  meeting  for  a  day  on  which  William  Penn 
and    George    Whitehead,    the    Quaker   champions,    were 
away  in  the  country  and  could  not  be  brought  back  at 
short    notice.       In    consequence    the    assembly    at     the 
Barbican  exonerated  Hicks  with  great  unction,  no  accusers 
being  present.     But  William  Penn  was  not  the  man  to 
suffer  injustice  of  this  kind.     He  hastened  to  London 
and  found  that  the  whole  town  was  talking  of  the  contro- 


versy  and  of  the  victory  of  Hicks.  It  is  quite  evident  that, 
though  these  controversial  books  are  unreadable  by  us, 
they  were  great  events  in  the  popular  view  of  the  time. 
William  Penn  put  forth  a  strong  appeal  to  the  public  on 
the  latest  trick  of  the  Baptists  and  demanded  a  new 
meeting.  The  Baptists  replied  that  a  man  could  not  be 
tried  twice.  Friends  pointed  out  the  timidity  of  this  plea, 
and  the  result  was  that  public  feeling  was  so  strong  that 
the  Baptists  were  obliged  to  appoint  a  second  meeting  at 
the  Barbican.  William  Penn,  in  a  letter  to  George  Fox, 
says  that  not  less  than  six  thousand  persons  were  present. 
Making  all  allowance  for  the  exaggeration  of  the  size  of 
meetings  which  appears  to  be  habitual  with  everybody, 
one  can  only  marvel  at  this  revelation  of  the  strength  of 
religious  feeling  among  the  common  people,  even  in  the 
depth  of  the  Restoration  days.  The  meeting  began  by 
Thomas  Ellwood  reading  the  charges  against  Hicks,  but 
the  company  did  not  appear  to  want  to  hear  that.  Some- 
body called  out  from  the  middle  of  the  room  "  If  Christ 
was  the  Inner  Light,  where  was  his  Manhood,"  and  by 
shouts  and  disturbances  Friends  were  compelled  to  enter 
into  an  improvised  controversy  on  this  profound  and 
difficult  theological  point.  As  soon  as  they  agreed  to  do 
this  and  to  abandon  the  personal  charges,  silence  ensued, 
and  an  orderly  meeting  was  held.  The  Quaker  speakers 
were  George  Whitehead,  Stephen  Crisp,  William  Penn  and 
George  Keith.  A  narrative  of  the  debate  is  given  in 
SeweVs  History  of  Friends,  Vol.  II.,  pages 216, 232  234  and 
in  the  single  volume  edition,  pages  522-525.  The  argument 
went  on  till  it  was  dark.  William  Penn  called  for  lights, 
but  the  Baptists  represented  that  the  doors  had  been 
broken  by  the  crowd,  and  the  seats  torn  out  of  their 
places.  These  would  need  repair  before  the  morning,  so 
the  meeting  must  close  and  the  discussion  be  handed 
over  to  a  deputation  from  each  side.  This  was  accepted  ; 
but  at  the  meeting  which  was  held,  no  agreement  was  come 
to,  and  the  Baptists,  asserting  that  the  room  was  over- 


crowded  and  the  gallery  giving  way,  broke  up  the  gather- 
ing. The  substance  of  the  arguments,  as  given  in  Sewel, 
are  no  more  edifying  than  theological  swordplay  usually 
is.  With  regard  to  the  central  point,  whether  the  human 
historical  Jesus  was  a  part  of  the  eternal  Christ  who  is 
the  Light,  Friends  were  prepared  to  answer  that  the 
manhood  was  a  part  of  the  Christ,  but  William  Penn,  in 
describing  the  affair  to  George  Fox,  says  that  he  feared  the 
word  "  part  "  and  chose  rather  to  say  that  we  believe  the 
holy  manhood  of  Jesus  to  be  a  member  of  the  Christ  of  God. 
He  thought  that  the  word  "  part  "  impHed  a  division  in 
Christ,  whereas  "  member  "  did  not,  that  "  A  body  may 
be  taken  into  members  without  breach  of  union,  but  not 
into  parts.  A  member  divides  not,  parts  divide.  Christ 
is  called  the  head,  that  is  the  most  noble  member — the 
Church  the  body,  and  particulars  are  styled  members  of 
that   body."* 

The  other  controversies  of  this  period  were  on 
similar  lines  and  need  not  be  described  in  detail. 
In  spite  of  ingenious  refinements  of  this  kind,  one 
receives  from  the  writings  of  the  early  Friends  the 
impression  that  they  had  not  succeeded  in  finding  or 
stating  the  connection  between  the  historical  and  inward 
Christ  in  a  clear  way.  There  has  not  been  published,  even 
now,  any  philosophic  account  of  the  identity  which 
we  have  always  asserted  between  the  historical  human 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  and  a  living  and  universal  spiritual 
Presence.  The  traditional  view  about  the  personality 
of  Jesus,  and  the  lack  of  a  sufficiently  scientific  psycho- 
logy, have  combined  to  prevent  the  solution  of  this  puzzle 
in  our  own  day. 

However,  the  conception  of  the  subliminal  self  has, 
through  the  work  of  the  Society  for  Psychical  Research, 
become   part   of   the    current    coin    of   philosophy.     We 

♦  This  letter  to  George  Fox  was  printed  by  Clarkson  in  his  "  Life," 
p.  46,  copied  by  Janney,  p.  100,  and  in  Hepworth  Dixon's  first  edition, 
p.  153.     It  is  also  referred  to  in  George  Fox's  Journal. 


realise  that  there  is  at  the  back  of  the  external 
mind  a  large  range  of  faculties  below  the  threshold 
of  consciousness, — a  man  in  the  cellar, — to  put  into 
English  the  literal  meaning  of  "  subliminal."  This  region 
is  still  only  partially  explored.  It  contains  faculties 
both  higher  and  lower  than  those  of  the  normal  man. 
There  are  to  be  found  there  remnants  of  personality  that 
have  been  outgrown  in  the  course  of  civilisation,  and  the 
dim  beginning  of  faculties  that  have  not  yet  been  reached 
in  our  spiritual  evolution.  Not  all  that  is  subliminal  is 
wise  and  good.  Nevertheless  it  is  also  true  that  in  this 
great  untapped  reservoir  of  the  water  of  life  are  to  be 
found  the  hidden  origins  of  motive,  the  bases  of  visible 
character,  and  contact  with  that  spiritual  environment 
where  God  dwells.  In  this  great  region  of  the  soul  lie  the 
fountains  of  inspiration,  the  track  of  prayer,  and  the 
way  to  the  Whole,  the  universal  soul.  This  is  the  region 
of  mystical  experience,  and  all  religions  are  so  many 
means  of  battering  at  its  gates.  In  terms  of  this  con- 
ception, then,  we  find  the  key  to  the  experience  of  the 
early  Friends,  the  psychical  explanation  which  has  been 
lacking.  The  subliminal  mind  of  Jesus  Christ  was  such 
that  it  is  fitting  to  call  him  a  Son  of  God,  a  human  phrase 
which  tells  of  a  spiritual  affinity,  of  a  descent  comparable 
to  the  physical  relation  of  father  and  son.  A  subliminal 
personality  like  His,  stimulated  by  His,  crystallised  under 
the  same  laws  of  crystallisation  as  His,  and  bearing  to  His 
a  relation  of  close  kinship,  is  what  the  Friend  means  when 
he  speaks  of  the  birth  of  the  Divine  Creature,  of  the 
Light  of  Christ  within,  and  of  the  eternal  Word 
of  God,  the  light  and  life  of  men.  The  humanity  of 
Jesus  of  Nazareth  presents  no  difficulty,  for  it  is 
not  questioned.  The  link  between  the  inward  and 
outward  in  Him  is  no  more  mysterious  than  the  link 
between  the  inward  and  outward  in  ourselves.  The 
identity  is  in  the  subliminal   region. 

This  theory  has  come  to  me  from  a  lifelong  study  of  the 


work  of  the  Society  for  Psychical  Research,  and  it  has 
been  a  great  delight  to  find  that  the  venerable  Professor 
Sanday  of  Oxford,  our  greatest  living  theologian,  has  in 
his  recent  book,  "  Christologies  Ancient  and  Modern," 
adopted  the  above  as  his  final  and  accepted  view.  The  earHer 
chapters  of  his  book  are  devoted  to  criticising  and  exposing 
the  errors  in  all  the  other  Christologies  of  history,  and 
then  he  closes  on  the  kinship  between  the  subliminal  self 
of  Jesus  and  the  anointing  that  comes  to  ours.  "  We 
have  the  mind  of  Christ  "  is  the  Apostle  Paul's  way  of 
putting  it.  The  subliminal,  in  this  sense,  is,  it  will  be 
seen,  an  accurate  scientific  term  which  includes  what 
we  popularly  have  called  the  Soul. 

The  year  1673  brought  also  to  William  Penn  a  task 
which  must  have  been  far  more  troublesome  than  that 
of  attacking  the  open  foes  of  Quakerism;  and  the  two 
books  which  it  evoked  from  him  are  among  those  we 
would  most  willingly  let  die.  They  were  written  against 
that  cantankerous  apostate,  John  Perrot.  One  of  the 
most  annoying  things  in  life  is  to  see  what  one  values 
foolishly  exaggerated  and  made  to  look  ridiculous  by 
being  travestied  by  some  knave  or  fool.  John  Perrot 
was  a  man  of  unbalanced  egotistical  temperament,  in 
whom  the  doctrine  of  the  Indwelling  God  acted  like  a 
poison.  He  began  to  preach  as  soon  as  he  joined  Friends, 
and  about  1660  felt  it  his  duty  to  go  with  one  John  Love, 
or  Luff,  to  convert  the  Pope  at  Rome.  They  passed  the 
Inquisition  at  Leghorn  and  delivered  their  message 
securely  to  the  Doge  of  Venice,  but  when  they  reached 
Rome  they  testified,  in  what  language  I  do  not  know, 
against  the  idolatry  and  corruption  which  they  found 
there.  This,  as  they  must  have  known  would  be  the  case, 
landed  them  both  in  prison.  Love  perished  in  the  dun- 
geons of  the  Inquisition,  whose  authorities  reported  that 
he  had  fasted  to  death,  but  some  nuns  said  that  he  had 
been  despatched  in  the  night  to  get  rid  of  him.  It  seemed 
more   proper  to  put  Perrot  into  a  lunatic  asylum,  from 


which  he  was  finally  released  by  the  exercise  of  influence 
from  England  upon  some  highly  placed  person  in  Rome. 
On  his  release  he  wrote  an  Epistle  to  England,  signed 
simply,  "  John,"  in  imitation  of  the  Apostle,  and  exhorted 
Friends  to  read  his  "  Life  "  in  their  Meetings.  He  even 
wrote  a  letter  to  "  several  grave  women  "  and  signed  it 
"  Your  tender  sister,  John.  "  He  wrote  chapters  in  imita- 
tion of  the  Proverbs  of  Solomon,  and  seems  to  have  given 
a  most  improbable  account  of  his  own  sufferings  in  Rome. 
When  he  returned  he  set  out  to  be  more  spiritual  than 
George  Fox  himself,  and  propounded  the  view  that  you 
ought  not  to  take  off  your  hat  in  time  of  prayer  unless  you 
felt  specially  moved  to  do  so  at  the  time  ;  and  not,  as  a 
rule,  feeling  so  moved  he  habitually  kept  on  his  hat 
Trifling  in  importance  as  this  practice  really  is,  it  was  a 
dreadful  back-hander  for  Friends.  They  refused  to  take 
off  their  hats  to  anyone  but  the  Most  High  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  a  form  of  reverence  due  to  Him  alone.  Perrot's 
exaggeration  and  claim  to  independent  judgment  attacked 
the  whole  basis  of  their  usage  about  the  hat  in  the  name  of 
that  very  individual  freedom  which  they  claimed.  One 
cannot  be  surprised  that  among  the  more  frothy  spirits 
this  kind  of  thing  should  occur.  Its  importance  in  the 
Society's  history  is  really  small,  but  at  the  time  it 
appeared  serious,  and  a  great  number  of  Friends  were 
attracted  by  the  speciousness  of  the  argument,  including 
for  a  while  Thomas  Ellwood,  who  writes,"  I,  amongst  the 
many  who  were  catched  in  that  snare,  was  taken  with  the 
notion,  as  what  then  seemed  to  my  weak  understanding 
suitable  to  the  doctrine  of  a  spiritual  dispensation." 
He  and  most  others  soon  fell  in  with  the  more  decorous 
practice  of  the  leaders  ;  but  George  Fox  had  to  hold  great 
meetings  to  bring  this  about.  One  was  held  in  London 
for  many  days,  the  time  being  occupied  in  reading  letters 
from  distant  Friends  abjuring  their  falling  away.  Perrot 
was  disowned  after  careful  persuasion  had  failed  to  move 
him.     He  began  to  wear  gaudy  attire  and  a  sword,  visited 


America,  where  he  is  said  to  have  grievously  misbehaved 
himself,  and  finally  obtained  a  Government  position  and 
became  a  rigid  exacter  of  oaths,  which  he  had  formerly 
abjured.  About  1673  he  began  to  .write  violent  attacks  on 
Friends,  in  which  George  Fox  and  others  were  called 
"  ravening  wolves,"  and  a  whole  vocabulary  of  similar 
epithets  was  brought  into  use  in  an  anonymous  pamphlet 
called  The  Spiyit  of  the  Hat,  or  the  Government  of  the 
Quakers;  and  William  Penn  felt  it  his  duty  to  write  in 
reply,  The  Spirit  of  Alexander  the  Coppersmith  Justly 
Rebuked.  Perrot  again  replied  with  Tyranny  and  Hypoc- 
risy Detected,  in  which  all  kinds  of  falsehoods  were  heaped 
upon  Friends  and  many  vile  slanders  expounded  at  length. 
William  Penn  replied  with  Judas  and  the  Jews  Combined 
Against  Christ  and  his  Followers,  the  step  from  Alexander 
the  coppersmith  to  Judas  typifying  broadly  the  increasing 
bitterness  of  the  polemic.  One  can  only  wish  that  William 
Penn  had  never  had  to  mix  in  this  troublesome  and 
undignified  controversy.  There  the  matter  ended.  Its 
only  interest  for  us  is  as  a  type  of  the  task  before  the 
founders  of  Quakerism,  of  maintaining  some  measure  of 
order,  dignity  and  uniformity  in  their  practice,  and  giving 
the  voice  of  the  majority  its  proper  weight.* 

Penn's  Baptist  and  Presbyterian  opponents  found 
great  joy  in  these  Quaker  excesses,  which  must  have 
brought  discredit  on  the  whole  movement.  That  is 
the  meaning  of  "  Judas  and  the  Jews  combined."  One 
marriage  seems  to  have  been  made  without  any 
ceremony,  as  a  protest  against  formality  (Collected  Works, 
Vol.  II.,  p.  223),  and  one  of  the  followers  of  Perrot  publicly 
tore  the  Bible  to  pieces  and  another  burned  it,  with  the 
view  of  showing  their  independence  of  the  letter  (p.  213). 
These  were  the  very  points  on  which  Friends  were  open 
to  attacks  and  misunderstanding,  so  that  a  few  ill- 
balanced  and  conceited  people  were  able  to  do  very 
considerable  harm,  however  unimportant  in  themselves. 

*  Sewel,  pp.  257,  290,  291. 


Perrot  posted  up  his  title-pages  on  posts  in  the  city 
with  torches  to  Kght  them  and  a  guard  by  night,  just 
as  though  they  were  notices  of  theatres  and  football 

A  more  decorous  and  worthy  adversary  fell  to  William 
Penn  shortly  after  this,  in  the  year  1675,  namely  the  famous 
Richard  Baxter,  leader  of  the  Presbyterians.  He  lived 
near  Rickmansworth,  and,  discovering  that  that  district 
was  becoming  filled  with  Quakers,  be  became  alarmed ; 
and  the  result  was  a  public  debate  between  himself  and 
William  Penn,  which  occupied  seven  hours.  The  audience 
filled  two  large  rooms.  It  is  not  clear  how  the  difficulty 
of  the  two  rooms  was  met,  and  no  account  of  the  actual 
contents  of  the  debate  has  been  preserved.  The  county 
families  attended,  and  it  must  have  been  a  striking  sight 
to  see  the  tall  handsome  young  Quaker,  dressed  in  the 
ordinary  garb,  face  to  face  with  the  older  cleric  who 
generally  referred  to  his  opponent  as  "  this  man,"  but 
once,  we  hope  in  a  moment  of  excitement,  as  a  devil.* 
This  we  learn  from  five  letters  addressed  afterwards  by 
Penn  to  Baxter  by  way  of  continuing  the  argument  and 
arranging  for  a  second  opportunity.  It  is  clear  that  this  took 
place,  but  the  correspondence  does  not  leave  it  clear  whether 
a  third  was  arranged  or  not.  Penn  was  pressing  for  it 
and  Baxter  is  accused  of  evading  it.  The  subjects  of 
these  debates  were  "  The  True  and  False  Ministry," 
"  The  True  and  False  Church,"  and  "  The  Sufficiency  of 
the  Light  Within  all  Men  to  Eternal  Salvation."  They 
seem  to  have  spoken  plainly.  William  Penn  describes 
"  thy  senseless,  headless,  tailless  talk.  I  perceive  the 
scurvy  of  the  mind  is  thy  distemper.  I  fear  it  is  incur- 
able." He,  however,  speaks  of  the  civility  and  kindness 
which  he  had  received  at  the  second  conference,  which 
had  led  him  on  his  side  to  gentler  treatment  than  he 
could  have  meted  out ;  and  it  is  very  comforting  that  the 
correspondence  concludes  "  in  which  dear  Love  of  God, 

*  Collected  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  170. 




Richard  Baxter,  I  do  forgive  thee  and  desire  thy  good  and 

It  is  a  long  time  since  we  have  had  to  record  anything 
about  gaols,  due  to  the  King's  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
in  the  early  part  of  1672,  but  its  unconstitutional  character 
was  attacked  by  the  Parliament  of  1673,  and  Charles, 
under  advice  from  Louis  XIV.,  submitted.  Bonfires 
in  London  expressed  the  joy  of  the  inhabitants  at  the 
tearing  up  of  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence.  The  Test 
Act  was  immediately  passed,  and  an  Appeal  which  was  to 
have  accompanied  it,  relieving  Nonconformist  Protestants, 
was  not  proceeded  with  ;  so  that  we  have  persecution 
beginning  again  violently  in  1674.  Penn  wrote  a  letter 
to  the  King,  pointing  out  where  the  persecution  was  raging 
the  hardest,  and  asked  for  his  assistance. 

George  Fox  was  thrown  into  prison  at  Worcester 
for  refusing  the  Oath  of  Allegiance.  Friends  in  London, 
finding  the  local  authorities  angry  and  obstinate,  tried 
to  remove  him  by  a  writ  of  habeas  corpus  to  the  King's 
Bench.  William  Penn  and  William  Mead  finally  got 
access  to  the  Duke  of  York,  and  had  an  interview  in  which 
the  Duke  reproached  Penn  for  not  having  come  to  see 
him  for  eight  years.  This  was  the  restoration  of  the 
ancient  friendship.  William  Mead  was  also  extra- 
ordinarily pleased  with  their  reception,  and  said  so  after- 
wards with  great  delight.  This  Penn  records  in  an 
"  Autograph  Apology  for  Himself  "  written  in  sadder  years 
to  come,  when  William  Mead  was  one  of  the  Friends 
who  criticised  him  for  his  affinities  with  the  court. f 
They  succeeded  in  releasing  Fox  after  fourteen  months  in 

The  situation  produced  two  important  and  valuable 
political  works  in  the  year  1675 — A  Treatise  on  Oaths, 
written  by  William  Penn  with  the  assistance,  probably 

*  Collected  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  176. 

t   Janney,  pp.  109-111,  and  Memoirs  Penn,  Hist.  Soc,  Vol.  III., 
Part  II.,  p.  240. 


nominal,  of  Richard  Richardson,  which  was  endorsed 
by  eleven  other  leading  Friends.  The  Quaker  testimony 
against  oaths  may  be  put  into  a  nutshell,  namely  that  it 
is  directly  forbidden  by  Christ  and  the  Apostle  James  in 
passages  which  cannot  possibly  refer  to  profane  swearing, 
and  that  it  degrades  truthfulness  and  puts  the  veracity 
of  ordinary  assertions  at  a  discount.  The  remarkable 
thing  about  the  book,  however,  is  that,  after  arguing  the 
case  at  full  length  and  in  great  detail,  Penn  proceeds  to 
support  it  by  quotations  from  a  hundred  and  twenty-two 
authors  both  well  known  and  little  known,  beginning 
with  his  beloved  Greek  philosophers,  Pythagoras  and 
Plato,  and  going  on  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  Stoics, 
and  so  to  the  Christian  Fathers  both  early  and  late,  and 
down  through  the  mediaeval  times  to  Wycliffe  and  many 
mystical  sects,  and  on  to  Erasmus  and  the  Reformation, 
and  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  in  the  previous  year  1674. 
This  work  was  done  so  thoroughly  that  it  will  never  have 
to  be  done  again,  and  for  sheer  learning  it  is  a  wonderful 
performance.  There  can  have  been  few  greater  scholars 
(not  using  the  word  in  the  narrower  schools  sense)  in 
the  seventeenth  century  than  William  Penn.  He  must 
have  supplemented  his  brief  Oxford  education  with  much 
work  on  these  lines  in  the  fruit-bearing  period  at  Saumur  ; 
and  even  this  can  only  have  been  the  entrance  to  a  studious 
life  enriched  by  marvellous  intellectual  aptitude. 

His  second  political  treatise  is  also  one  which  does 
not  deserve  the  oblivion  which  has  fallen  upon  it.  It  is  a 
masterly  pronouncement  in  favour  of  liberty  and  tolera- 
tion entitled  England's  Present  Interest  Considered,  with 
Honour  to  the  Prince  and  Safety  to  the  People*  The 
author  was  profoundly  convinced  that  the  state  of 
England  was  far  from  well,  and  saw  plainly  that  it  was 
mainly  due  to  attempts  at  coercion,  particularly  coercion 
in  matters  of  religion.  He  puts  the  situation  in  his 
Preface,  where  the  following  passages  occur  : 

*  Collected  Works,  Vol.  I.,  p.  672. 


"  Persons  have  been  flung  into  Gaols,  Gates  and  Trunks 
broke  open,  Goods  distrained,  till  a  Stool  hath  not  been  left  to  sit 
down  on  :  Flocks  of  Cattle  driven,  whole  Barns  full  of  Corn  seized, 
Thresh'd,  and  carried  away  ;  Parents  left  without  their  Children, 
Children  without  their  Parents,  both  without  Subsistence     .     .     . 

"...  But  that  which  aggravates  the  Cruelty  is.  The 
Widow's  Mite  hath  not  escaped  their  hands  :  they  have  made  her 
Cow  the  Forfeiture  of  her  Conscience ;  not  leaving  her  a  bed  to 
lye  on,  nor  a  Blanket  to  cover  her.  And  which  is  yet  more 
Barbarous,  and  helps  to  make  up  this  Tragedy,  the  poor  Helpless 
Orphan's  Milk,  Boiling  over  the  Fire,  has  been  flung  to  the  Dogs, 
and  the  Skillet  made  Part  of  their  Prize.     .     .     . 

".  .  .  For  to  see  the  imprison 'd  has  been  Suspicion  enough 
for  a  Gaol ;  and  to  visit  the  Sick,  to  make  a  Conventicle  :  Fining 
and  Straining  for  Preaching,  and  being  at  a  Meeting,  where  there 
hath  been  neither ;  and  Forty  Pounds  for  Twenty,  at  Pick  and 
Choose  too,  is  a  moderate  advance  with  some  of  them.  .  .  . 
So  that  in  some  Places  it  hath  been  sufficient  to  a  Premunire, 
that  Men  have  had  Estates  to  lose  ;  I  mean  such  Men,  who  through 
Tenderness  refuse  the  Oath.  .  .  .  For  besides  all  other 
Inconveniences  to  those  that  give  them  Trouble,  their  very 
Sufferings  beget  that  Compassion  in  the  Multitude,  which  rarely 
misses  of  making  many  Friends,  and  proves  often  a  Preparation 
for  not  a  few  Proselytes.  .  .  .  Contests  naturally  draw 
Company,  and  the  Vulgar  are  justified  in  their  Curiosity,  if  not 
Pity,  when  they  see  so  many  Wiser  Men  busie  themselves  to 
suppress  a  People,  by  whom  they  see  no  other  111,  than  that  for 
Non-Conformity  in  Matters  of  Religion  they  bear  Injuries  and 
Indignities  Patiently.     .     .     ." 

The  Treatise  which  follows  shows  the  author  to  have 
been  as  full  of  learning  in  the  region  of  politics  as  in  that 
of  religion.  We  have  a  plea  in  favour  of  the  security  of 
person  and  estate  against  the  Government,  the  right  of 
free  voting  and  of  trial  by  an  independent  jury.  The 
voice  is  the  voice  of  Pym  and  Hampden,  supported  by 
quotations  from  the  champions  of  the  British  Constitu- 
tion from  the  earliest  times.  It  contains,  among  other 
things,  an  account  of  the  solemn  curse  pronounced  by 
the  Bishops  in  the  year  1253  against  the  breakers  of  the 


Great  Charter,  a  passage  which  was,  no  doubt,  the  source 
of  Whittier's  poem  "  The  Charter  Breakers."  The 
emphasis  of  the  work  was  in  its  plea  for  rehgious  tolera- 
tion, in  the  chapter  "  Of  our  Superiors  Governing  Them- 
selves upon  a  Ballance  as  Near  as  May  Be  towards  the 
Several  Religious  Interests."  If  religious  toleration  still 
remained  an  important  issue  among  us,  we  should  find  no 
stronger  plea,  nor  any  historical  treatment  more  richly 
illustrated,  than  the  one  which  William  Penn  has  left  to 
us.  He  concludes  also  with  a  positive  plea  in  favour  of 
general  and  practical  religion.  When  it  appeared,  the 
country  was  ablaze  with  persecution  and  the  infamous 
trade  of  the  informers  at  its  height.  One  may  feel  sure 
that  such  a  work,  by  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in 
England,  cannot  but  have  had  a  large  circulation,  and  con- 
tributed to  the  strong  effort  for  liberty  which  filled  the 
next  few  years  after  1675,  and  only  failed  because  it  was 
mixed  up  with  falsehoods  like  the  Popish  Plot  agitation, 
errors  like  the  Rye  House  fiasco,  and  the  political  mis- 
directions of  Shaftesbury. 


New  Jersey 

The  preceding  chapter  has  given  but  a  faint  idea  of  the 
struggle  against  persecution  which  Friends  were  enduring 
at  this  time,  nor  have  the  efforts  of  their  influential  young 
leader  been  set  out  in  any  detail.  He  appealed  to  the 
King  on  behalf  of  Friends,  he  visited  statesmen  personally, 
he  published  accounts  of  their  widespread  sufferings. 
In  the  midst  of  the  dark  and  miserable  landscape  which 
England  presented,  however,  there  was  a  distant  gleam 
of  hope  in  the  far-off  American  plantations.  In  our  now 
well-explored  and  accessible  earth  there  is  probably  no 
place  so  really  remote,  not  Australia  or  China  or  Peru, 
as  were  the  estuaries  of  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware 
in  the  reign  of  Charles  11.  The  labour,  time,  risk  and  ex- 
pense involved  in  reaching  them,  and  the  lack  of  all  regular 
communication,  were  likely  to  dishearten  anyone  to  whom 
life  in  England  had  not  been  made  quite  intolerable.  The 
traveller  to-day,  steaming  one  hundred  miles  up  the  broad 
estuary  of  the  Delaware,  from  Cape  May  to  Philadelphia, 
and  rejoicing  to  have  reached  smooth  water  again,  passes 
a  land  of  fruitful  orchards  and  farms  and  old-fashioned 
country  towns  built  of  wooden  houses,  the  very  abode 
of  comfort  and  peace.  On  the  left  shore  are  Delaware 
and  Pennsylvania,  on  the  right  the  state  of  New  Jersey, 
famous  for  peaches,  with  its  Atlantic  seaboard  covered  by 
a  long  string  of  seaside  resorts,  and  including  large 
suburban  districts  of  both  New  York  and  Philadelphia. 
Not  as  starving  men  come,  but  as  Seeley  once  said,  in  the 



spirit  of  Abraham  or  Aeneas  came  the  founders  of  these 
now  ancient  settlements.  They  named  the  settlements 
after  the  homes  they  had  left,  Chester,  Newark.  Bur- 
lington, Newcastle.  On  the  flat  plain  of  New  Jersey  lies 
a  county  called  Cumberland. 

Of  all  the  founders  of  America,  William  Penn  was  the 
greatest,  and  he  will  remain  the  most  famous.  He  was 
led  to  his  great  task  by  circumstances,  gradually,  as  is 
almost  always  the  case  with  men  who  do  great  things. 
The  Penns  were  a  sea-faring  family.  Admiral  Penn  had 
conquered  Jamaica,  and  had  held  shadowy  claims  to 
estates  there,  which  Cromwell  had  never  given  him,  but 
which  he  hoped  the  Stuarts  might.  William  Penn  wrote 
in  1681  concerning  Pennsylvania  :  "  This  I  can  say,  that 
I  had  an  opening  of  joy  as  to  these  parts  in  the  year  1661 
at  Oxford,  twenty  years  since."  Thus  the  boy  is  father 
to  the  man,  and  the  undergraduate's  dream  of  liberty  in  a 
new  Utopia  made  him  ready  to  grasp  the  opportunity 
when  it  came. 

The  next  stage  was  his  entanglement,  through  no 
initiative  of  his  own,  in  the  affairs  of  New  Jersey,  in  the 
year  1675.  The  Dutch  had  a  great  province  which  they 
called  New  Netherlands,  which  stretched  from  the  shores 
of  the  Delaware  to  the  Connecticut  River.  This  fell 
to  England  in  1664,  as  a  prize  at  the  close  of  the  Dutch 
wars  of  Charles  II :  but  according  to  the  lamentably 
corrupt  ways  of  the  Restoration  Government  these  con- 
quests were  regarded  as  royal  properties  for  the  enrich- 
ment of  King  and  courtiers.  The  King  made  this  pro- 
vince over  to  his  brother  James,  Duke  of  York,  whilst 
it  was  still  in  Dutch  hands.  The  Duke,  not  to  lose  time, 
also  anticipated  the  conquest  by  granting  the  region  lying 
between  the  Hudson  and  the  Delaware  estuaries  to  Lord 
Berkeley  and  Sir  George  Carteret.  They  were  to  divide 
it.  As  soon  as  the  British  sailors  had  defeated  the 
Dutch  sailors,  these  gentlemen  entered  upon  the  plunder, 
and  the  region  was  named  New  Jersey  because  Sir  George 


Carteret  was  a  Jersey  man.  The  only  people  likely  to 
colonise  the  place  and  render  it  a  remunerative  speculation 
were  the  persecuted  Nonconformists,  so  that  the  specu- 
lative proprietors  were  quite  willing  that  the  English 
penal  laws  should  have  no  place  across  the  ocean.  Some 
Puritans  from  New  England  responded,  and  settled  on 
the  Eastern  seaboard,  and  a  few  English  Quakers  were  to 
be  found  amongst  them.  Lord  Berkeley  found  his 
position  as  an  absentee  landlord  very  difficult  and  dis- 
putatious, and  he  was  willing  to  sell. 

Now  as  early  as  1660  George  Fox  had  been  thinking 
of  forming  a  colony  of  Friends  in  this  region.  Josiah 
Coale  went  that  year  to  the  Susquehanna,  now  Maryland 
and  Virginia,  as  an  agent  of  Friends  in  England,  to  try  to 
negotiate  for  a  Quaker  colony.  But  Indian  wars  and 
other  things  prevented  his  achieving  this  object. 
("  Quakers  in  American  Colonies,"  p,  358).  It  is  to  be 
noted  that  Josiah  Coale,  who  had  been  twice  to  America, 
was  intimate  with  William  Penn,  and  immediately 
after  the  latter' s  convincement  went  with  him  home,  to 
help  him  in  the  forthcoming  painful  interview  with  the 
Admiral.  When  Lord  Berkeley  threw  his  property 
upon  the  market  George  Fox  had  just  returned  from  a 
visit  to  the  American  settlements  in  1673.  William  and 
Gulielma  Penn  met  him  at  Bristol,  and  he  came  with 
them  to  London  and  stayed  at  their  house  at  Rickmans- 
worth.  The  talk  would  be  of  the  Western  wilderness  and 
the  Quakers  already  there.  It  was  decided  that  Friends 
should  buy  the  property,  which  they  did  for  the  sum  of 
£1,000  in  the  year  1674.  The  purchaser  was  Edward 
Byllinge,  acting  through  John  Fenwick  as  his  agent. 
Though  they  were  both  Friends,  Fenwick  (a  newly-con- 
vinced Cromwellian)  disputed  with  Byllinge  about  his 
share  in  the  property,  and  the  matter  was  referred  to 
William  Penn  as  arbitrator.  Fenwick  was  very  unwilling 
to  accept  the  award,  and  William  Penn  had  much  diffi- 
culty in  persuading  him  to  do  so.     In  the  end,  however. 


he  was  satisfied,  and  embarked  with  his  family  in  the 
ship  Griffith.  They  landed  at  "  a  pleasant  rich  spot  " 
on  the  Delaware,  theirs  being  the  first  English  ship  that 
had  sailed  its  waters.  There  they  founded  the  town  of 
Salem,  N.J. 

Edward  Byllinge  became  embarrassed  in  his  circum- 
stances, and  to  satisfy  his  creditors  proposed  to  transfer 
his  American  property  to  them,  and  at  his  earnest  entreaty 
William  Penn  consented  to  be  associated  with  two  trustees 
representing  the  creditors  in  administering  the  trust. 
This  was  the  opening  of  the  door,  and  was  no  doubt  so 
accepted  by  a  busy  man,  inasmuch  as  the  New  Jersey 
property  was  already  occupied  by  a  number  of  refugees 
for  conscience'  sake,  whose  affairs  came  annually  before 
Friends  in  London.  And  we  cannot  doubt  that  behind 
that  he  saw  the  chance  of  founding  a  new  Utopia  across  the 
sea.  First  it  was  necessary  to  separate  his  territory  from 
that  of  Sir  George  Carteret.  This  was  a  troublesome 
business,  but  was  finally  achieved.  Sir  George  Carteret 
taking  the  eastern  and  more  settled  districts,  and  Penn  and 
his  colleagues  the  western  unsettled  lands,  still  in  possession 
of  the  Indians.  Financially,  no  doubt.  Sir  George  Car- 
teret got  the  best  of  it,  but  we  can  also  well  believe  that 
Penn  desired  an  empty  land  which  he  would  fill  with 
his  own  people  who  would  come  under  a  fresh  constitu- 
tion. West  New  Jersey,  as  it  seems  to  have  been  called, 
was  therefore  his  province,  and  he  sat  down  to  write  a 

We  must  imagine  him  doing  this,  not,  however,  at  his 
first  home  at  Rickmansworth,  but  at  Worminghurst  in 
Sussex,  a  house  (now  destroyed)  standing  on  the  South 
Downs,  a  few  miles  from  the  sea.  Three  children  had  been 
born  and  died  at  Rickmansworth,  and  the  baby,  Springett, 
was  to  live  only  till  the  dawn  of  manhood.*  Hepworth 
Dixon  surmises  that  Rickmansworth  had  become  too 
much  of  a  public  resort  for  Friends,  and  too  accessible 

*  H.  M.  Jenkins,  "  Family  of  William  Penn,"  p.  56. 


from  London,  to  give  Penn  the  quiet  which  he  needed  for 
thinking  out  the  fundamental  laws  of-  a  new  province. 

Penn  had  before  him  Harrington's  "Oceana" 
and  More's  "Utopia,"  and  of  a  more  practical  kind, 
the  constitutions  of  the  Puritan  provinces  in  New  England. 
Better  than  all,  he  had  in  the  condition  of  England  the 
terrible  experience  of  all  that  a  state  should  not  be. 

The  principles  of  the  constitution  were  the  right  of 
free  worship,  a  democratic  Assembly  with  manhood 
suffrage  and  vote  by  ballot,  an  executive  responsible 
to  the  Assembly,  trial  by  jury  with  the  assistance  of 
judges  elected  for  not  more  than  two  years,  and  remov- 
able. This  last  feature  was  afterwards  corrected  in 
Pennsylvania.  There  was  to  be  no  imprisonment  for 
debt,  and  the  state  was  to  undertake  the  education  of 
orphans.  This  constitution  was  pubhshed  by  the  trustees 
and  circulated  among  Friends  all  over  the  country,  with 
a  description  of  the  soil,  air,  climate  and  natural  fertility 
of  New  Jersey.  It  differed,  however,  from  speculative 
proceedings  in  that  it  concluded  with  the  advice  that 
"  Whosoever  had  a  desire  to  be  concerned  in  this  intended 
plantation  should  weigh  the  thing  well  before  the  Lord 
and  not  headily  and  rashly  conclude  on  any  such  remove, 
and  see  that  they  did  not  offer  violence  to  the  tender  love 
of  their  near  kindred,  but  soberly  and  conscientiously 
endeavour  to  obtain  their  goodwill  and  the  unity  of 
Friends  where  they  live."  A  colony  manned  by  emigrants 
who  left  their  homes  in  this  spirit  was  likely  to  be  a  success, 
and  during  1677  and  1678  five  vessels,  carrying  eight 
hundred  emigrants,  sailed  for  West  New  Jersey.  One 
company  of  Friends  came  from  Yorkshire,  another  from 
London.  These  were  the  earhest  voyagers,  and  they 
sailed  in  the  ship  Kent  with  two  hundred  and  thirty  on 
board.  They  reached  Newcastle  on  the  Delaware  in  the 
summer  of  1677,  where  they  found  a  few  Swedish  colon- 
ists. They  went  up  the  river,  past  the  future  site 
of  Philadelphia,  to  Burlington,  which  they  settled  as  the 


principal  town  of  the  colony,  the  Yorkshiremen  taking  one 
side  of  the  future  main  street  and  the  Londoners  the  other. 
They  purchased  the  land  from  the  Indians.  On  this 
occasion  they  bought  a  tract  extending  for  twenty  miles 
on  the  Delaware  river  for  the  following  articles : — 
30  match-coats,  20  guns,  30  kettles,  i  great  kettle,  30  pair 
of  hose,  20  fathoms  of  duffels,  30  petticoats,  30  narrow 
hose,  30  bars  of  lead,  15  small  barrels  of  powder,  70  knives, 
30  Indian  axes,  70  combs,  60  pair  of  tobacco  tongs, 
60  pair  of  scissors,  60  tinshaw  looking-glasses,  120  awl- 
blades,  120  fish-hooks,  2  grasps  of  red  paint,  120  needles, 
60  tobacco  boxes,  120  pipes,  200  bells,  100  Jews-harps, 
and  6  ankers  of  rum.  In  thus  buying  the  land  from  the 
Indians  Friends  were  following  the  excellent  precedent 
which  had  been  set  them  by  the  Dutch,  to  whom  credit 
should  be  given  for  this.* 

The  Quaker  colonists  had  not  yet  found  out  the  ruin 
which  strong  spirits  worked  among  the  Indians,  but  they 
soon  took  measures  to  stop  it.  Nine  or  ten  years  after 
this  voyage  a  meeting  was  held  with  the  natives  in  order 
to  prevent  the  sale  of  strong  liquors  to  them.  High 
chiefs  were  present,  one  of  whom  made  the  following 
speech  :  f 

"  The  strong  liquor  was  first  sold  us  by  the  Dutch,  and  they 
are  blind,  they  have  no  eyes,  they  did  not  see  that  it  was  for  our 
hurt.  The  next  people  that  came  among  us  were  the  Swedes,  who 
continued  the  sale  of  the  strong  liquors  to  us  ;  they  were  also 
blind,  they  had  no  eyes,  they  did  not  see  it  to  be  hurtful  to  us  to 
drink  it,  although  we  knew  it  to  be  hurtful  to  us  ;  but  if  people 
will  sell  it  to  us,  we  are  so  in  love  with  it,  that  we  cannot  forbear 
it.  When  we  drink  it,  it  makes  us  mad  ;  we  do  not  know  what 
we  do  ;  we  then  abuse  one  another,  we  throw  each  other  into  the 
fire  ;  seven  score  of  our  people  have  been  killed  by  reason  of 
drinking  it,  since  the  time  it  was  first  sold  us.  These  people  that 
sell  it  have  no  eyes.     But  now  there  is  a  people  come  to  live  among 

*  "  Quakers  in  the  American  Colonies,"  p.  367. 

I  Smith's  "  History  of  New  Jersey,"  p.  100,  quoted  by  Janney,  p.  123. 


us  that  have  eyes,  they  see  it  be  for  our  hurt,  they  are  willing  to 
deny  themselves  the  profit  of  it  for  our  good.  These  people  have 
eyes  ;  we  are  glad  such  a  people  are  come  among  us  ;  we  must 
put  it  down  by  mutual  consent ;  the  cask  must  be  sealed  up,  it 
must  be  made  fast,  it  must  not  leak  by  day  or  by  night,  in  light 
or  in  the  dark,  and  we  give  you  these  four  belts  of  wampum,  which 
we  would  have  you  lay  up  safe  and  keep  by  you,  to  be  witnesses 
of  this  agreement  ;  and  we  would  have  you  tell  your  children, 
that  these  four  belts  of  wampum  are  given  you  to  be  witnesses, 
betwixt  us  and  you,  of  this  agreement." 

The  colony  prospered  exceedingly.  The  arrangements 
of  Lords  Carteret  and  Berkeley  had  required  each 
colonist  to  provide  himself  with  musket,  powder  and  balls, 
but  the  Friends  were  much  more  secure  than  guns  could 
make  them.  They  trusted  to  receive  from  the  red  men 
the  same  kindly  and  benevolent  treatment  which  they 
gave,  and  their  trust  was  not  disappointed.  Their  first 
meetings  were  held  at  Burlington,  under  a  sailcloth  tent, 
until  the  earliest  houses  were  built.  By  1681,  when 
William  Penn  was  negotiating  for  Pennsylvania,  fourteen 
hundred  Quakers  had  settled  in  West  New  Jersey. 

To  continue  the  story  of  the  Jerseys  a  little  out  of  the 
order  of  time,  it  may  here  be  noted  that  Sir  George 
Carteret,  who  was  a  notable  Restoration  courtier  and  a 
friend  of  Pepys,  died  in  1679,  and  his  widow  had  to  sell 
East  New  Jersey  to  pay  his  debts.  Penn  was  not  slow 
to  take  the  opportunity,  and  purchased  the  Eastern 
province  with  the  help  of  eleven  other  Friends  in 
February,  1681.  These  added  another  twelve  to  them- 
selves as  owners,  including  Robert  Barclay  and  some 
of  the  Scotch  nobility,  who  were  not  Friends.  These 
twenty-four  proprietors  formed  a  Council  of  Proprietors, 
that  for  East  Jersey  being  appointed  in  1684  and  for  West 
Jersey  in  1687.  These  formed  a  combined  Council  of 
Proprietors  which,  upon  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  in 
1702,  handed  the  right  of  government  to  the  Crown. 
They  remained,  however,  as  a  body  of  landowners,  and 


such  is  the  durability  of  property  rights  that  this  quaint 
and  ancient  body  is  still  in  existence,  not  having  yet  sold 
all  their  lands.  New  Jersey  had  three  Quaker  gover- 
nors, and  many  of  its  magistrates  and  officials  were  always 
Friends.  It  still  forms  part  of  Philadelphia  Yearly 
Meeting.  The  record  of  the  Society  and  the  Colony  is  one 
of  increasing  prosperity,  lighted  up  by  the  romance  of 
Elizabeth  Haddon  and  consecrated  by  the  saintly  mission 
of  John  Woolman. 


Holland  and   Germany 

In  1677,  Friends  invaded  Germany,  and  their  peaceful 
force  entered  the  country  through  Holland.  The  ablest 
Friends  in  Britain  were  in  the  party.  A  ship  sailed 
from  Harwich  to  Brill  containing  George  Fox,  Robert 
Barclay,  William  Penn,  George  Keith  and  several  others. 
Isabel  Yeamans,  the  daughter  of  Margaret  Fox,  was  with 
them,  doubtless  to  watch  over  George  Fox's  physical 
well-being,  for  he  had  suffered  greatly  in  health  from  his 
recent  long  imprisonment  at  Worcester,  and  in  his  account 
of  the  journey  he  speaks  of  what  we  should  now  call 
neuralgia  troubling  him  all  night.  There  were  already 
several  Meetings  of  Friends  in  Holland  and  Germany; 
in  Holland  at  Amsterdam,  Rotterdam,  Haarlem,  Alch- 
maar,  Waterland  and  Haarligen,  also  in  Friesland. 
There  were  also  Friends  at  Hamburg,  Lubeck,  Fried- 
richstadt,  and  Embden,  and  in  the  far-away  Palatinate 
and  still  more  distant  Dantzig,  then  in  the  kingdom 
of  Poland.  *  The  first  object  of  the  deputation  was  to 
organise  a  Yearly  Meeting  for  the  continent  of  Europe  at 
Amsterdam,  and  Quarterly  Meetings  in  the  separate 
countries.  Four  Monthly  Meetings  were  set  up  in 
Holland.  It  will  be  remembered  that  William  Penn 
could  speak  both  Dutch  and  German  fluently,  but 
although  Robert  Barclay  and  George  Keith  were, 
with  William  Penn,  the  most  learned  men  in  the  Society, 

*  A  monograph  on  the  history  of  Friends  in  Holland,  based  on  much 
original  research,  has  been  written  by  Prof.  William  I.  Hull,  of  Swarthmore 
College,  Pennsylvania. 



some  of  the  party  required  an  interpreter,  whom 
they  found  among  the  Dutch  Friends.  This  does 
not  seem,  however,  to  have  interfered  with  the  fervour 
of  the  meetings  and  the  triumphant  breakings  forth  of  the 
Divine  Glory  which  William  Penn's  account  constantly 
mentions,  such,  for  instance,  as  the  following  description 
of  a  meeting  at  Amsterdam  which  lasted  from  eleven  on 
a  Sunday  morning  till  four  in  the  afternoon  : 

"  There  was  a  mighty  Concourse  of  People  from  several 
Places  of  this  Country,  and  that  of  several  Perswasions,  Baptists, 
Presbyterians,  Socinians,  Seekers,  etc.,  and  God  was  with  his 
People,  and  his  Word  of  Life  and  Power,  of  Wisdom  and  Strength 
covered  them  ;  yea,  the  hidden  Things  both  of  Esau  and  Jacob, 
the  Mystery  both  of  Iniquity  and  Godliness  were  opened  and 
declared  in  the  Demonstration  of  the  Eternal  Spirit  that  Day. 
And  Oh  !  Blessed  and  Magnified  be  the  Name  of  the  Lord  that 
hath  not  only  left  Himself,  but  also  not  His  Servants  without 
a  Witness  !  Oh,  He  is  worthy  to  be  Lov'd  and  Fear'd  and 
Obey'd  and  Reverenced  for  ever." 

The  deputation  was  indeed  a  powerful  one.  It  is 
doubtful  whether  four  such  spiritual  leaders  of  men 
and  vehicles  of  the  Divine  Spirit  as  were  then  travelling 
together,  aided  by  close  fellowship  with  the  persecuted 
groups  whom  they  met,  have  ever  worked  together 
since.  They  were  tireless  in  the  holding  of  meetings. 
The  captain,  an  old  sailor  of  Admiral  Penn's,  allowed  them 
to  use  the  best  accommodation  on  the  boat  for  that  pur- 
pose. Two  meetings  in  a  day  were  common,  and  intervals 
for  meals  were  similarly  utilised.  At  Rotterdam  "  The 
Gospel  was  preached,  the  dead  were  raised,  and  the  living 
fed,  and  God,  even  our  God,  bore  heavenly  record  to  his 
only  Son  in  us  ;  and  Truth  is  honourable  to  the  eyes  of 
several  in  that  Place." 

The  next  day  they  separated  and  visited  from  house 
to  house. 

"  All  our  visits  were  precious  meetings,  for  indeed  for  that  end 
God  brought  us  into  this  land.     Several  of  us  dined  and  supped 


that  day  at  two  great  men's  houses,  where  we  had  blessed  oppor- 
tunities to  make  known  unto  them  what  was  the  hope  of  our 
calling,  that  mystery  which  to  the  Gentiles  is  now  revealed,  even 
Christ  Jesus,  the  Light  and  Life  of  the  World  manifested  in  us." 

By  Leyden  and  Haarlem  they  reached  Amsterdam, 
and  stayed  at  Gertrude  Dirick's  house.  There  they 
organised  the  Yearly  Meeting  and  laid  down  procedure 
in  a  series  of  minutes  which  constituted  the  nucleus  of  a 
Book  of  Discipline.  Here  letters  were  received  from  the 
Friends  at  Dantzig,  complaining  of  the  heavy  sufferings 
they  underwent,  informing  them  also  that  the  King  of 
Poland  was  there,  and  asking  advice  about  a  letter  to 
him.  So  William  Penn  wrote  a  long  letter  to  that  monarch, 
who  was  none  other  than  the  great  John  Sobieski,  urging 
him  to  cease  the  persecution  of  Friends,  and  reminding 
him  with  much  tact  "  of  a  noble  saying  of  one  of  thy 
ancestors,  Stephen,  King  of  Poland,  '  I  am  King  of  men, 
not  of  consciences,  King  of  bodies,  not  of  souls.'  " 

The  party  separated,  and  William  Penn,  George  Keith, 
and  Robert  Barclay  went  on  to  what  must  have  been 
one  of  the  most  interesting  experiences  of  their  apostolic 
lives,  a  visit  to  the  Princess  Elisabeth  Palatine  at  her 
little  court  at  Herwerden  in  Westphalia.  This  remark- 
able lady  was  the  daughter  of  Frederick,  Elector  Palatine, 
and  his  wife  Elisabeth,  daughter  of  King  James  L  of 
England.  She  was  the  sister  of  Prince  Rupert,  the  great 
rival  and  enemy  of  Admiral  Penn,  and  sister  also  of  the 
Electress  Sophia  of  Hanover,  who  was  the  mother  of 
George  L  Her  father's  luckless  assumption  of  the  crown 
of  Bohemia  began  the  Thirty  Years  War  in  1618,  the 
year  of  her  birth,  and  the  defeat  of  the  Protestants  at  the 
battle  of  Prague  the  next  year  drove  the  family  in  exile 
to  the  Hague,  where  they  were  brought  up  in  relative 
poverty.  She  had  resisted  a  marriage  to  the  King  of 
Poland,  proposed  to  her  by  her  uncle,  Charles  I.,  because 
she   would  not   change   her   religion.     She   had   been   a 


favourite  pupil  of  Descartes,  had  never  married,  but 
had  always  been  deeply  interested  in  the  things  of  the 
spirit,  and  in  those  who  felt  it  their  duty  to  abandon 
orthodox  national  worships.  She  told  William  Penn  that 
God  had  reached  her  in  1668  at  the  age  of  fifty,  and  that 
by  an  extraordinary  way.  She  had  been  to  some  extent 
attracted  by  De  Labadie,  of  whom  we  have  heard,  who 
went  under  the  name  of  Quaker,  and  Robert  Barclay  had 
already  visited  her  to  acquaint  her  with  the  life  and 
testimony  of  Friends.  Elisabeth  cordially  invited  them 
to  come  to  see  her,  writing  a  charming  letter  minimising 
what  she  had  been  able  to  do,  and  concluding,  "  But  this 
a  mere  moral  man  can  reach  at.  The  true  inward  graces 
are  yet  wanting  in  your  affectionate  friend,  Elisabeth." 
The  three  days  which  they  spent  with  her  must  have  been 
a  very  wonderful  time.  They  met  at  seven  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  on  a  Friday,  and  stayed  with  her  till  eleven, 
apparently  engaged  in  religious  exercises  most  of  the  time. 
They  declined  her  invitation  to  dine,  but  offered  to  come 
again  in  the  afternoon.     Two  o'clock  was  fixed. 

"  It  was  at  this  Meeting  that  the  Lord  in  a  more  eminent 
manner  began  to  appear.  The  Eternal  Word  showed  itself  a 
Hammer  at  this  Day ;  yea,  sharper  than  a  Two-edged  Sword, 
dividing  asunder  between  the  Soul  and  the  Spirit,  the  Joints  and 
the  Marrow.  Yea,  this  Day  was  all  Flesh  humbled  before  the 
Lord  ;  it  amazed  one,  struck  another,  broke  another  :  Yea,  the 
Noble  Arm  of  the  Lord  was  truly  awakened,  and  the  Weight 
and  Work  thereof  bowed  and  tendered  us  also  after  an  unusual 
and  extraordinary  Manner ;  that  the  Lord  might  work  an 
Heavenly  sign  before  them  and  among  them  ;  that  the  Majesty 
of  Him  that  is  risen  among  the  poor  Quakers  might  in  some 
Measure  be  known  unto  them  ;  what  God  it  is  we  serve,  and  what 
Power  it  is  we  wait  for  and  bow  before.  Yea,  they  had  a  Sense 
and  a  Discovery  that  Day,  what  would  become  of  the  Glory  of  all 
Flesh,  when  God  shall  enter  into  Judgment.  Well,  let  my  Right 
Hand  forget  its  Cunning,  and  my  Tongue  cleave  to  the  Roof  of 
my  Mouth,  when  I  shall  forget  the  Loving  Kindness  of  the  Lord, 


and  the  sure  Mercies  of  our  God  to  us  His  Travelling  Servants 
that  Day.     O  Lord,  send  forth  thy  Light  and  thy  Truth,  that 

all  Nations  may  behold  thy  Glory." 

It  was  seven  o'clock  before  they  left.  Next  morning 
they  went  again  between  eight  and  nine,  when  William 
Penn  had  a  meeting  with  the  inferior  servants  of  the  house, 
who  would  have  been  "  bashful  "  to  have  presented  them- 
selves before  the  Princess.  At  twelve  they  went  back  to 
the  Inn,  and  had  important  conversations  with  strangers 
from  Bremen,  which  resulted  in  a  connection  with  that 
city  and  the  spread  of  literature.  At  three  in  the  after- 
noon, they  returned  to  the  Princess,  who  asked  William 
Penn  to  fulfil  a  promise  made  in  one  of  his  letters  to  give 
them  an  account  of  his  first  convincement.  After  a 
period  of  silence  he  began,  but  it  was  supper  time  before 
he  had  half  done,  so,  yielding  to  importunity.  Friends 
stayed  there  to  supper  and  afterwards  resumed  the  narra- 
tive till  about  eleven  at  night.  Yet  many  particulars 
were  omitted  "  partly  through  forgetfulness  and  partly 
for  want  of  time."  A  verbatim  report  of  that  stirring 
narrative  would  have  been  invaluable  to  a  biographer. 

On  First  day  morning  Friends  had  a  private  meeting 
alone  in  their  chamber,  and  at  two  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon held  a  larger  meeting  with  several  townsmen  present. 
After  it  the  Princess  took  William  Penn  by  the  hand  and 
would  have  spoken,  but 

"  turning  herself  to  the  window,  she  brake  forth  in  an  extra- 
ordinary passion,  saying,  '  I  cannot  speak  to  you,  my  heart  is 
full,'  clapping  her  hands  upon  her  breast.  It  melted  me  into  a 
deep  and  calm  tenderness,  in  which  I  was  moved  to  minister  a 
few  words  softly  to  her,  and  after  some  time  of  silence  she 
recovered  herself,  and  as  I  was  taking  my  leave  of  her  she  inter- 
rupted me  thus  :  '  Will  ye  not  come  here  again  ?  '  " 

She  asked  them  to  supper,  but  they  appear  to  have  felt 
a  certain  delicacy  about  her  hospitality,  asked  to  be  excused, 
and  just  had  a  little  refreshment  in  the  room  where  they 


were,  and  after  a  final  farewell  in  the  evening  the  party 
left  their  friends  "  in  the  love  and  peace  of  God,  praying  that 
they  might  be  kept  from  the  evil  of  this  world."  With  the 
Princess  there  resided  a  Countess  de  Homes,  the  Countess's 
sister,  and  a  Frenchwoman,  whose  name  William  Penn 
does  not  seem  to  have  remembered.  Elisabeth  died  three 
years  later,  at  the  age  of  sixty-two,  having  done  her  part 
as  a  Princess  and  a  mother  to  her  httle  principality. 
She  may  fairly  be  counted  a  Friend,  though  there  were 
no  lists  of  members  in  her  day.  It  was  a  remarkable 
thing  that  out  of  the  degenerate  race  of  the  Stuarts  two 
women  should  arise  who  accepted  the  Quaker  testimony, 
one  a  Princess  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  the  other  a  humble 
weaver  at  Wisbech,  Jane  Stuart,  the  natural  daughter  of 
James  II.  There  is  considerable  correspondence  extant 
between  Friends  and  their  Princess,  long  hortatory  letters 
from  George  Fox,  William  Penn,  and  Robert  Barclay, 
and  shorter  replies  full  of  modest  aspiration  after  higher 
spiritual  attainment.  William  Penn  visited  her  again  on 
his  return  northwards  and  held  another  series  of  fellowship 
meetings  at  her  house.  Doubtless  to  the  Princess  also 
and  her  friends  these  occasions  were  memorable,  Robert 
Barclay,  William  Penn  and  George  Keith  were  all  young 
men  in  the  neighbourhood  of  thirty  years  of  age,  to  whom 
she  could  speak  as  a  scholar  to  scholars,  remarkable,  all 
of  them,  in  their  personal  dignity,  showing  in  the  nobility 
and  beauty  of  their  face?  and  carriage  the  strength  of  their 
inward  life.  Robert  Barclay,  through  his  mother, 
Catharine  Gordon,  was  descended  from  the  Stuart  Kings, 
and  was  indeed  third  cousin  to  the  Princess.  He  was  the 
son  of  the  famous  Colonel  David  Barclay,  who,  in  the  Civil 
Wars,  had  held  the  northern  half  of  Scotland  for  King  and 
Covenant  in  1648,  and  as  a  member  of  Oliver's  Parliament 
in  1656  had  strenuously  opposed  his  taking  the  title  of 
King.*  Admiral  Penn,  also,  was  a  name  well-known 
to  Prince  Rupert's  sister.     George  Keith  was  a  mathe- 

*  "  Jafiray  and  Friends  in  Scotland,"  p.  353. 


matician  of  the  University  of  Aberdeeri,  one  of  the  inner 
circle  of  Quaker  leaders  at  that  time,  and  a  man  of  great 
personal  force.  These  must  have  been  great  days  for  the 
quiet  little  German  court.  It  is  now  known  as  Herford, 
and  is  in  the  north-east  corner  of  Westphalia. 

Robert  Barclay  now  returned  to  Amsterdam  and  to 
Scotland.  His  Apology  had  been  published  in  Latin  the 
year  before,  and  was  put  into  English  by  the  author  and 
published  in  England  in  1678.  How  he  managed  to  put 
in  a  journey  of  this  kind  between  is  one  of  the  wonderful 
things  concerning  that  marvellous  man,  who,  at  the  age 
of  twenty-eight,  could  produce  his  learned  defence  of 
Quakerism.  He  found  it  the  inspired  faith  of  peasants, 
and  defended  it  in  a  book  worthy  to  meet  and  shatter 
Calvin's  Institutes  in  the  theological  schools  of  Europe. 

William  Penn  and  George  Keith  went  on  alone  through 
many  towns   of  the   Rhine   provinces,   through  Saxony, 
Hanover   and   the   Hanseatic   towns.     Everywhere   they 
found  out  the  few  who  were  like-minded  to  their  mystical 
message,  or  who  were  known  to  be  dissastisfied  with  the 
established    Lutheranism.      Sometimes    these    had    been 
already  nicknamed  Quakers,  a  fact  which  throws  curious 
light  upon  the  extent  to  which,  even  in   those   days   of 
slow  communication,  the  fame  of  the  followers  of  Fox 
had  spread.     Penn  writes  "  There  is  a  breathing,  hunger- 
ing, seeking  people  solitarily  scattered  up  and  down  this 
great  land  of  Germany,  where  the  Lord  hath  sent  me,  and 
I  believe  it  is  the  like  in  other  nations,  and  as  the  Lord 
hath  laid  it  upon  us,  with  my  companions,  to  seek  some 
of  them  out,  so  have  we  found  several  in  divers  places." 
They  were  mostly  ladies  of  quality,  with  a  few  professional 
men.     The  common  people  in  Germany  at  this  time  were 
practically  serfs,  and  the  men  of  the  upper  classes  devoted 
to  war,  to  be  slain  or  slaying.     One  great  town,  Oldenburg, 
they    found    in   ruins.      Penn    describes    it    as    a    great 
dark   land  ;     this     must     have     oppressed     his     spirit, 
particularly  when  he  came  to  a  dark  Popish  city.     In 


these  they  never  attempted  to  stay.  It  would  seem 
as  though  in  Germany  there  was  not,  to  any  extent,  a 
prepared  soil  for  Quakerism  as  a  popular  movement. 
It  seemed  to  require  Puritanism,  or  some  external 
acquaintance  with  religion,  as  the  soil  in  which  to  grow 
its  mystical  plant.  One  of  their  most  interesting  visits 
was  to  Wiewart,  the  mansion-house  of  the  family  of  the 
Somerdykes,  where  De  Labadie's  company  now  resided. 
They  seem  to  have  been  a  little  company  of  scholarly 
men  and  women  who  lived  retired  from  the  world  and  had 
adopted  silent  worship,  the  preaching  of  women,  spontaneous 
ministry,  plainness  in  dress  and  furniture.  Although 
William  Penn  describes  them  as  being  "  somewhat  in  the 
mixture,''  he  had  a  useful  time  with  them,  each  telling 
the  other  of  their  religious  experiences  in  true  fellowship. 
They  met  George  Fox  again  at  Amsterdam,  and  after 
three  days  of  a  stormy  and  dangerous  passage  they 
reached  England.  William  Penn  spent  a  week  on  the 
business  of  Friends  in  London,  and  at  last  reached  home 
after  an  absence  of  a  hundred  days,  in  much  thankfulness 
to  find  his  family  well.  "  I  had  that  evening  a  sweet 
meeting  amongst  them,  in  which  God's  blessed  power 
made  us  truly  glad  together." 


High   Politics 


We  have  followed  the  marvellous  energy  and  untiring 
labour  of  William  Penn  in  many  spheres  of  activity. 
He  drew  in  these  years  on  a  well-spring  of  force  that  never 
dried  up.  We  have  noted  in  calm  record  the  strain 
which  must  have  been  his  as  conqueror  of  his  own  soul's 
freedom,  in  solitary  opposition  to  his  family,  in  prolonged 
and  repeated  imprisonments.  We  have  seen  him  scorn 
delights  and  live  laborious  days,  as  scholar,  preacher, 
writer  on  religion,  ethics  and  politics,  as  controversialist, 
as  missionary,  building  up  Quakerism  on  the  continent, 
tireless  in  the  administration  of  the  Society  and  the  relief 
of  sufferings.  We  must  now  follow  him  breathlessly 
into  one  more  sphere  of  service.  For  some  two  years 
he  was  one  of  the  leaders  of  an  English  political  party. 

The  year  1678  began  the  crisis  in  our  national  history 
towards  which  the  wretched  misconduct  and  sordid  mis- 
government  of  Charles  II.  had  been  leading  up.  The 
Court  had  for  seventeen  years  sheltered  its  incapacity 
behind  the  servile  Pension  Parliament,  elected  in  a  burst 
of  Royalist  enthusiasm  in  1661,  and  managed  of  late  years 
by  Danby's  systematic  bribery.  The  gaols  were  full  of 
Friends.  It  is  stated  that  three  hundred  and  fifty  Friends 
had  died  in  gaol  since  the  King  came  back.*     The  Church 

*  Dr.  Stoughton,  referring  to  Neale's  "  History  of  the  Puritans," 
Vol.  II.  John  S.  Rowntree  gives  321  as  the  number  who  died  in  prison 
in  Charles  II. 's  reign. 



was  at  its  lowest.  The  Government  was  in  the  pay  of 
Louis  XIV,  and  relied  on  a  French  army  to  put  down 
an  English  revolt.  There  can  have  been  few  darker 
periods  than  this  in  all  our  history. 

The  political  arena  was  triangular  in  shape,  the 
straight  issue  between  royal  misgovernment  and  popular 
liberties  was  complicated  by  religious  divisions.  And 
of  these  there  were  three — the  Roman  Catholic,  the 
Anglican,  and  the  Nonconformist. 

The  Anglican  Church  had  been  restored  to  power  with 
the  Crown,  and  under  its  patronage  and  by  Acts  of 
Parliament  which  were  responsible  deeds  of  the  govern- 
ment, had  fiercely  persecuted  the  Protestant  Noncon- 
formists. The  clergy  had  been  persecuted  themselves 
under  the  Commonwealth,  but  the  unfortunates  who  bore 
the  brunt  of  their  revenge  were  the  innocent  Friends, 
against  whom  both  Anglican  Priest  and  Nonconformist 
Professor  wielded  all  the  power  they  had.  The  Church 
had  always  been  Tory,  monarchical,  established,  and 
would  have  liked  to  continue  to  enjoy  the  Royal  favour, 
exclusive  privileges  and  the  revenues  that  had  once  been 

But  all  this  appeared  to  be  in  danger  of  slipping  away. 
Charles  was  secretly  a  Catholic.  His  wife,  some  of  his 
mistresses,  and  his  brother  James,  Duke  of  York,  were 
openly  of  the  same  faith.  And  James  was  almost 
certain  to  be  King  if  he  survived  his  brother.  He  had 
recently  married  Mary  of  Modena,  an  Italian  girl,  and 
their  son,  if  they  had  one,  would  continue  the  Catholic 
succession  ;  and  that  might  mean  the  restoration  of 
positions  and  benefices,  and  much  harm  to  souls  and 
bodies.  The  reliance  of  the  Court  upon  French  subsidies, 
which  was  guessed  at,  legitimately  caused  profound 

This  Catholic  turn  of  the  Royal  family  brought  them 
into  an  external  sympathy  with  the  Nonconformist  cry 
for    toleration.       Friends    had    profited    by    the    Act    of 



Indulgence  of  1673,  though  it  was  intended  for  the 
CathoUcs'   benefit. 

In  sympathy,  however,  Friends  were  with  the  old 
party  of  the  Commonwealth  men,  now  scattered  and 
abased.  The  first  Earl  of  Shaftesbury,  the  Anthony 
Ashley  Cooper  of  the  Commonwealth,  an  unprincipled, 
volatile  politician,  was  the  avowed  champion  of  the  Whigs 
and  of  Nonconformity;  and  that  brilliant  popinjay,  the 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  from  time  to  time  flattered  himself 
that  he  had  great  influence  with  the  Dissenters.  William 
Penn  frequently  urged  him  to  be  of  use  to  them,  and  he 
was  for  a  while.  But  the  true  and  only  surviving  leader 
of  the  men  of  the  great  period  returned  in  1677  from  exile, 
in  the  person  of  Algernon  Sidney. 

Most  truly,  however.  Friends  belonged  to  none  of  the 
ruling  parties  of  the  past,  but  to  the  struggling  party  of 
the  future,  the  brave  and  growing  company  to  whom  was 
committed  the  great  cause  of  Religious  Toleration, 
toleration  for  no  sectarian  advantage,  but  for  itself,  for 
human  dignity  and  honesty,  and  for  the  peace  and  health 
of  the  State.     The  leader  of  that  party  was  William  Penn. 

So  that  we  are  now  to  think  of  William  Penn  and 
Algernon  Sidney  as  heads  of  the  stalwarts  on  the  Whig 
side,  working  loosely  in  alliance  with  Shaftesbury,  and 
at  times  with  such  men  as  Sunderland  and  Halifax,  when 
the  wind  blew  these  politicians  in  their  direction.  Robert 
Spencer,  Earl  of  Sunderland,  was  Sidney's  nephew, 
the  son  of  Dorothy  Sidney,  the  Sacharissa  of  the  poet 
Waller,  and  had  been  the  comrade  of  William  Penn  in 
youthful  days  in  France.  He  was  to  become  in  turn 
counsellor  to  James  II.  and  to  William  III.  and  to  invent 
Cabinet  government.  He  was  always  of  ramshackle 
morals,  but  acute  in  his  intellect. 

Algernon  Sidney  belonged  to  a  famous  and  brilliant 
family,  touching  English  history  at  many  points  already. 
He  had  carried  nobly  his  sword  and  his  counsel  through 
the   first    Civil    War.     He    had   differed    from    Cromwell 


and  the  arm}',  when  they  decided  to  try  the  King  for  his 
life.  He  thought  this  hopelessly  illegal  and  the  King's 
execution  practically  unwise ;  when  his  advice  was 
rejected  he  left  public  life  and  retired  to  Penshurst,  the 
family  home  in  Kent,  He  was  one  of  the  group  of  con- 
vinced Republicans  who  could  not  follow  Cromwell  into 
a  Protectorate  more  than  royal  as  well  as  less.  He  was 
abroad  at  the  Restoration  and  was  not  allowed  to  come 
back  for  seventeen  years.  He  refused  to  disown 
Republicanism,  or  to  regret  the  past — though  willing  in 
practice  to  live  under  a  monarchy  which  had  been 
approved  by  Parliament.  To  maintain  the  integrity 
of  his  mind  he  chose  poverty,  home  sickness,  and 
apparently  wasted  years.  He  was  allowed  back  in  1677, 
to  his  father's  death  bed.  His  name,  his  character,  and 
his  history,  pointed  him  out  as  the  leader  of  those  who 
had  not  bowed  the  knee  to  Baal,  and  he  decided  to  try 
to  enter  the  next  Parliament. 

But  before  the  Pension  Parliament  came  to  an  end, 
William  Penn  had  a  notable  service  before  it.  Friends 
were  suffering  a  penalty  of  £20  a  month,  worth  not  less 
than  ;^,ioo  now,  or  two  thirds  of  their  estates,  for  not 
attending  church.  A  single  fact  like  this  shows  not  only 
the  difference  but  the  flaming  contrast  between  Christ 
and  the  organised  church  of  the  day.  Under  it  '  Many 
hundreds  of  families  were  threatened  with  daily  spoil  and 
ruin."  Parliament  had  the  intention  of  inserting  a 
clause  allowing  Protestants  to  escape  from  a  new  Bill 
against  Popery,  by  taking  an  appropriate  oath.  Friends 
could  not  take  the  oath,  and  were  likely  to  enter  upon  a 
new  baptism  of  particularly  vicarious  suffering.  Through 
William  Penn  they  presented  petitions  to  the  Lords  and 
the  Commons  asking  to  be  allowed  to  affirm.  The  House 
appointed  a  committee  to  consider  the  grievances  of 
Protestant  Nonconformists,  and  the  extent  to  which  they 
were  suffering  from  penal  laws  intended  for  Roman 
Catholics.     In    March    of    1678,    this    Committee    heard 


evidence  from  William  Penn.  Before  it  he  made  two 
speeches.  He  said  that  he  had  been  "  supposed  a  Papist, 
a  seminary,  a  Jesuit,  an  emissary  of  Rome,"  and  that 

"  had  been  at  the  woolsacks,  and  common  whipping  stocks  of 
the  Kingdom.  All  laws  have  been  let  loose  upon  us,  as  if  the 
design  were  not  to  reform  us,  but  destroy  us,  and  that  not  for 
what  we  are,  but  for  what  we  are  not ;  'tis  hard  that  we  must  thus 
bear  the  stripes  of  another  interest,  and  be  their  proxy  in 

So  far  his  line  would  be  easily  appreciated,  but  he  went 
on  to  more  startling  doctrine. 

"  I  would  not  be  mistaken  :  I  am  far  from  thinking  it  fit  that 
Papists  should  be  whipped  for  their  consciences,  because  I  exclaim 
against  the  injustice  of  whipping  Quakers  for  Papists."  "  We 
do  not  mean  that  any  should  have  a  fresh  aim  at  them  .  .  . 
for  we  must  give  the  hberty  we  ask  .  .  .  and  persecution 
does  not  seem  to  me  to  be  convincing,  or  indeed  adequate  to  the 
reason  of  mankind."* 

The  Committee  reported  in  favour  of  a  clause  relieving 
Friends  ;  it  passed  the  Commons,  but  before  it  had  passed 
the  Lords  Parliament  was  suddenly  prorogued,  and  soon 
afterwards  the  Pension  Parliament,  the  longest  in  English 
history,  ended  the  seventeen  years  of  its  miserable  life. 
An  impeachment  of  the  chief  minister,  Danby,  was 
threatened.  The  charge  of  corruption  would  be  easy  to 
prove  against  him.  But  his  unpopularity  was  due  to 
another  cause.  Danby  was  an  AngUcan  Tory,  and  hated 
the  King  to  be  in  the  pay  of  the  Catholic  Louis  XIV. 
He  had  striven  against  ^he  secret  French  connection, 
and  Louis  wanted  him  out  of  the  way.  Danby,  rather 
than  lose  his  place,  had  reluctantly  written  his  master's 
begging  letters  to  Louis  through  Montague,  the  English 
ambassador  in  Paris.  These  the  ambassador  on  his  return 
published  in  the  House  of  Commons.     To  save  Danby, 

*  "Works,"  Vol.  I.,  p.  1 18-9. 


that  is  to  avoid  further  revelations  of  his  own  treason  to  his 
country,  Charles  prorogued  Parliament  in  the  autumn  of 
1678,  and  finally  dissolved  it  in  January,  1679. 

William  Penn  would  not  take  an  oath  himself,  and  so 
could  not  sit  in  Parliament,  but  he  devoted  himself  to 
the  election  of  Algernon  Sidney. 

The  country  was  in  the  throes  of  panic.  The  "  Popish 
Plot  "  of  Titus  Gates  had  been  launched  in  August  of 
1678.  It  figures  largely  in  every  history  of  England,  for 
it  constitutes  one  of  our  national  tragedies.  Gates  was  an 
evil-lookmg  man,  whose  forehead  was  so  small  and  chin 
so  large,  that  his  mouth  was  exactly  in  the  middle  of  his 
face  ;  out  of  it  issued  an  affected  and  curious  drawl. 
This  criminal  aspect  was  truth-telling.  Gates  had  lost 
his  orders  in  the  Church  of  England  for  crime  ;  had  become 
a  Jesuit  at  Valladolid  and  St.  Gmer  ;  turned  out  thence  he 
needed  a  new  opening  and  issued  a  fabricated  story  of  an 
organised  attack  by  Papists  on  British  Protestantism, 
supported  by  a  French  army.  Its  methods  were  murder 
and  arson.  The  story  was  well  filled  with  horrors,  and 
enlarged  and  imitated  by  other  seekers  after  profit. 
The  fact,  of  course,  was  that  there  was  a  real  Popish  plot 
fixed  up  in  1670,  by  the  two  criminal  kings,  at  Dover. 
There  was  a  prevailing  nervousness  about  Popery.  We 
must  remember  that  it  was  only  seventy-three  years  since 
the  Gunpowder  Plot,  of  which  the  memory  was  kept  alive 
by  annual  celebrations  ;  and  that  if  the  dynasty  lapsed 
into  Popery  men  might  expect  a  repetition  of  the  days  of 
Bloody  Mary.  Some  suspicious  papers  found  belonging 
to  a  Jesuit,  and  the  unexplained  murder  of  the  Justice 
who  had  heard  Gates's  testimony,  were  worked  up  in  the 
true  spirit  of  modern  sensational  newspapers.  Both 
Penn  and  Sidney  joined  in  the  demand  for  investigation. 
Shaftesbury  fed  the  plot  from  the  Whig  side  with  reckless 
avidity,  "  whether  given  to  us  by  the  right  or  the  left 
hand  of  Providence."  By  so  doing  he  ruined  the  cause 
of  English  liberty  by  harnessing  it  to  a  lie.     He  made 


the  further  mistake  of  using  the  plot .  to  try  to  exclude 
James  from  the  throne  in  favour  of  the  illegitimate 
Duke  of  Monmouth,  a  son  of  Charles's  youthful  exile 
period.  From  the  Tory  side  Danby  laboured  to  extend 
the  excitement,  and  the  country  lost  the  guidance  of  reason. 
A  terrible  persecution  of  English  Cathohcs  took  place, 
and  lasted  two  or  three  years,  till  the  balloon  of  Gates 
leaked  itself  flat  by  the  summer  of  1681:  for  nothing 
happened  to  the  terrified  nation  all  those  three  years, 

Guildford  was  selected  as  the  constituency  for  Algernon 
Sidney  to  contest.  The  election  lasted  three  weeks. 
Drink  and  food  were  provided  for  the  voters  ;  violence 
and  fraud  were  rampant.  William  Penn  did  not  shrink 
from  the  unpleasant  task  of  persuading  Demos.  He  worked 
at  persuasion  in  private  and  in  public.  The  Recorder 
tried  to  silence  him  at  the  hustings  ;  for  the  Court  was 
interfering  with  all  its  force  in  the  election.  Paupers 
were  brought  out,  soldiers  were  released  if  they  would 
vote  against  Sidney.  When  he  was  finally  elected  the 
Recorder  dared  not  report  it,  and  dared  rather  to  quash  the 
election,  on  the  ground  that  Sidney  was  not  a  freeman 
of  the  borough.  He  had  offered  to  become  one,  but  had 
been  refused.  A  petition  against  this  tyrannical  inter- 
ference with  elections  was  actively  promoted  by  William 
Penn.  However  the  King  found  this  Parliament  so 
severely  Protestant  and  so  aggressive  that  he  dissolved  it 
before  the  petition  had  been  heard.  It  sat  from  March 
to  May,  1679.  This,  the  first  of  three  short  Parliaments, 
had  put  Danby  in  the  Tower,  and  passed  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  to  stop  illegal  imprisonments.  It  had  given 
the  second  reading  to  the  first  Exclusion  Bill,  It  was  to 
save  his  brother's  succession  that  the  King  dissolved  it. 

After  the  dissolution  of  the  first  short  ParUament, 
and  in  anxious  preparation  for  the  second,  William  Penn 
wrote  an  election  address  to  the  voters,  called  England's 
Great  Interest  in  the  Choice  of  a  New  Parliament.  He 
points  out  the  unheard  of  crisis  the  country  was  passing 


through,  in  which  everything  depended  upon  the  con- 
stancy, courage  and  honesty  of  the  electorate.  "To  be 
plain  with  you  :  All  is  at  Stake."  The  Plot  must  be 
tracked  out  and  punished  : — Evil  counsellors  (no  doubt, 
Danby,  Lauderdale  and  others)  must  be  brought  to  justice  ; 
Pensioners  of  the  former  Parliament  must  be  punished  ; 
Parliaments  must  be  frequent  and  limited  in  duration  ; 
we  must  be  secured  from  Popery  and  slavery,  and  Protes- 
tant Dissenters  must  be  eased ;  and  on  these  conditions, 
"  the  King  should  be  eased  on  the  business  of  his  revenue." 
The  essential  rights  of  Englishmen,  property  in  life, 
liberty  or  estate,  legislative  and  executive  power,  and 
trial  by  Jury,  should  be  restored.  This  can  only  come 
about  by  choosing  the  right  men.  The  central  political 
sin,  bribery,  is  earnestly  attacked. 

"  Such  as  give  money  to  be  chosen  would  get  money  by  being 
chosen.  They  desire  not  to  serve  you,  but  to  serve  themselves 
of  you  :   and  then  fare  you  well." 

Drinking  at  elections  is  treated  next. 

"  Must  we  always  owe  our  Parliaments  to  rioting  and  drunken- 
ness ?  and  must  men  be  made  incapable  of  all  choice  before  they 
choose  their  legislature  ?  " 

The  electors  were  urged  not  to  select  as  candidates, 
reputed  pensioners,  officers  at  the  court,  indigent  or 
ambitious  men  or  men  about  town,  prodigal  or  voluptuous 
persons,  but  to  choose  men  of  industry  and  improvement, 
brave  men,  sincere  Protestants.  He  believed  with  others 
that  concealed  Papists  might  be  detected  by  their  "  laughing 
at  the  Plot,  disgracing  the  evidence,  admiring  the  Traitors' 
constancy."  Thus  is  even  a  wise  man  to  some  extent  a 
creature  of  his  times.  He  finally  begs  the  electors  to  lay 
to  heart 

"  the  grievous  spoils  and  ruins  their  harmless  neighbours  (Friends) 
had  suffered  for  twenty  years.  Sixty  pounds  have  been  dis- 
trained for  twelve,  two  hundred  pounds  for  sixty  pounds.  The 
flocks  have  been  taken  out  of  the  fold,  the  herd  from  the  stall ; 


not  a  cow  left  to  give  milk  to  the  orphan,  nor  a  bed  for  the  widow 
to  lie  on  ;  whole  barns  of  corn  swept  away  and  not  a  penny 

He  signed  himself,  and  with  good  reason,   "  Philanglus." 
When  the  Parliament  met  he  wrote  them  a  longer  tract. 
One  Project  for  the  Good  of  England,  on  the  lines  with  which 
we  are  now  familiar.     The  definite  proposal  in  this  book 
was  a  new  Test,  in  lieu  of  the  exclusively  Anghcan  test 
now  in  vogue.     This  new  Test  would  have  barred  out 
Roman  CathoUcs.     It  was  to  be  read  out  and  subscribed 
by  everybody  in  every  town  and  village.     In  the  height  of 
the  Plot  that  was  as  far  as  the  great  leader  of  Toleration 
himself  could  go.     We  have  seen  him  in  1678  addressing 
a  Parliamentary  Committee  in   favour  of  toleration  to 
Catholic  opinion.     He  would  not  have  them  persecuted. 
But  as  potential  traitors  and  oppressors  he,  like  the  best 
men  then  living,  dreaded  their  entry  into  public  affairs 
The  English  fear  of  the  Pope  was  at  this  time  political 
rather  than  rehgious.     The  Church  of  Rome  still  aimed 
at  the  conversion  and  subjugation  of  England  ;   and  even 
Penn  thought  he  could  not  afford  to  open  the  Government 
to  its  followers.     That,  he  said,  which  produces  a  blind 
obedience  in  Religion  will  also  produce  a  bhnd  obedience 
in   civil   government.* 

For  the  next  election  a  little  place  called  Bramber  in 
Sussex  one  of  the  pocket  boroughs  of  1832,  was  attempted 
by  Sidney  and  his  brother-in-arms.  The  local  influence 
of  both  was  strong  thereabouts.  To  counteract  the  Sidney 
influence  for  Algernon,  his  brother  Henry,  the  rake  of  the 
family,  was  brought  up  as  his  rival  by  their  common 
nephew  Sunderland.  Henry  was  away  on  a  Royal 
mission  in  Holland,  and  the  disgrace  of  the  affair  was 
Sunderland's.  Penn  worked  hard  every  day,  and  ran  the 
election.  The  votes  were  equal,  and  the  casting  vote  was 
given  for  Algernon.     But  when  Parliament  met  the  Court 

♦  Works,  Vol.  II.,  p  69. 


again  had  the  return  annulled.  Such  was  democracy  in 
those  days  ;  such  was  family  faith  ;  such  was  the  power 
of  the  Court.  Though  elected  in  1679,  this,  the  second 
short  Parliament,  was  perpetually  prorogued,  and  only 
actually  sat  from  October,  1680  to  January,  1681. 

We  cannot  here  follow  the  poHtical  story  of  the  next 
few  years— the  three  Exclusion  Bills,  the  collapse  of  the 
Plot,  the  final  victory  of  the  Court  in  1682,  supported  by 
a  large  subsidy  from  France  which  made  Charles  indepen- 
dent of  Parliament.  The  King  and  the  Duke  used  their 
day  of  power  to  bring  Algernon  Sidney  to  the  block.  By 
that  time,  1683,  William  Penn,  despairing  of  English 
politics,  was  far  away  in  Pennsylvania. 

The  feeling  of  hopeless  misery  over  the  state  of  England 
which  filled  the  hearts  of  good  men,  and  which  has  no 
parallel  in  our  time,  is  expressed  in  unrestrained  lamen- 
tation in  the  letter  Penn  wrote  to  the  "  Children  of  Light  " 
i.e.,  to  Friends,  in  the  early  days  of  the  Plot,  September, 
1678.  He  had  received  from  the  Lord,  repeatedly,  with 
a  fresh  and  strong  life  : 

"  To  thy  tents,  O  Israel  ! 
To  thy  tents,  O  Israel ! 
God  is  Thy  tent  :  to  thy  God,  0  Israel !  " 

He  said  that  through  Friends  the  Heavenly  Seed  of 
righteousness  must  shine  to  others  in  these  rough  times, 
and  make  an  end  of  the  intolerable  sins  of  the  nation! 
"  We  are  the  people  above  all  others  that  must  stand  in 
the  gap,  and  pray  for  the  putting  away  of  the  wrath,  so 
as  that  this  land  may  not  be  made  ah  utter  desolation  ; 
and  God  expects  it  at  our  hands."  There  is  no  shirking 
of  political  duty  here,  but  the  sense  of  call  and  responsi- 
bility that  has  been  ours  so  often,  and  is  ours  to-day  once 

He  concludes,  with  the  kind  of  authority  George  Fox 
used  :  "  I  desire  that  this  Epistle  may  be  read  in  the  fear 
of   the    Lord   in   your   several    meetings."     The    Epistle 


does  not  contain  any  definite  political  guidance.     It  is  an 
exhortation  to  faithfulness  and  trust  in  God. 

By  way  of  occupying  his  part  in  this  high  steward- 
ship,  William  Penn  wrote,  in   1679,  An  Address  to  Pro- 
testants  upon   the   present   Conjunctme.     It   runs   to   one 
hundred  large  folio  pages,  or  90,000  words,*  and  it  found 
great  acceptance  "  from  those  who  valued  religion  for  the 
sake  of  piety,  more  than  out  of  interest  or  formality," 
and  a  second  edition  was  required   in    1692.     It  is  not 
unlike  No  Cross,  No  Crown  in  subject.     Its  appeal  was  for 
a  moral  reformation,  and  for  Toleration  as  the  solvent  of 
rehgious     discords.     Of    certain,    "  not    of    the     lowest 
Quality,  "  he  said,  "  Strong  Drink  is  often  the  beginning 
and  top  of  their  friendship,"!  "  From  one  of  the  cleanest 
people  under  the  Heaven,  I  fear,  we  are  become  one  of  the 
most  unchaste,  at  least  in  and  about  London.     The  French 
have   sufficiently  revenged  themselves   upon  us  by   the 
loose  manners  they  have  brought  amongst  us."t     "  But 
they  keep  their  wits  in  their  debaucheries,  we,  overdoing 
it,  lose  them.     Profaneness  must  pass  for  wit."t     Fine 
dress    "  opens    doors,    gets    access,    obtains    dispatches, 
carries   away   the   cap   and   the   knee   from   most   other 
pretences."  J     William  Penn  on  Luxury  is  always  fine. 
He   knew  it   from  the   inside   and  had  rejected  it.   His 
appeal  concerning  the  waste  of  the  rich  was  always  to  the 
poverty  of  the  poor.     "  The  Book  of  Cookery,  has  out- 
grown the  Bible,   and  is  more  in  use.     Twelve  penny- 
worth of  Flesh,  with  five  shillings  of  cookery,  may  happen 
to  make  a  fashionable  dish."§     He  goes  on  to  swearing, 
gambling,    and   profanity.     "  A   man   is   reputed   of   no 
sense  or  salt  who  cannot  jeer  devotion."  |1     In  reference 
to  these  sins,  he  exhorted  the  magistrates  first  to  repent  of 
them    themselves,    and    then    punish    them    in    others. 
Historical  examples  of  nations  destroyed  by  vice  are  then 
given  with  great   fulness   out   of  the  author's  sxores  of 

*   "Works,"  Vol.  I.,  pp.  721-821. 

t  p.  723-         :  p-  725-         §  p-  727-         II  p-  732. 


learning.  He  urges  our  responsibility  to  hand  over  an 
undecayed  nation  to  the  future,  and  presses  the  need  of 
education  ;  and  concludes  Part  I.  with  urging  our  res- 
ponsibility to  God.  Part  II.  deals  with  ecclesiastical 
abuses — five  in  number — making  opinions  into  articles 
of  faith  and  the  bond  of  Christian  Society — mistaking  the 
true  faith — debasing  the  true  value  of  moraUty — pre- 
ferring authority  to  reason  and  truth — and  propagating 
faith  by  force.*  The  tragic  story  of  errors,  generally 
known  as  Church  history,  supplied  the  eloquent  author 
with  ample  material.  He  makes  free  and  powerful  use 
of  the  Scripture  ;  and  the  treatise  must  have  been  as 
convincing  to  its  readers  as  the  truth  of  its  positions 
deserved.  Janney  (pp.  142-147)  has  given  a  full  summary 
of  this  typical  Quaker  utterance.  It  is,  however,  a  book 
which  now  possesses  only  a  historical  and  biographical 
interest.  That  the  Society  was  able  thus  to  make 
such  a  wise  contribution  to  the  consideration  of  the  crisis 
is  a  cause  for  gladness  and  of  gratitude  to  William  Penn. 

He  had  now  tried  every  door  that  might  have  given 
him  an  opening  to  the  help  of  England — had  addressed 
Friends,  Protestants  electors.  Parliament — had  done  the 
dirty  work  of  two  contested  elections.  But  Friends  were 
still  suffering  "  spoil  and  ruin."  Imprisonment  unto 
death  was  still  the  lot  of  hundreds.  During  the  autumn 
of  1680,  Penn  wrote  three  prefaces,  signed  by  himself 
with  others,  to  statistical  records  of  sufferings,  appealing 
to  the  Short  ParHament  then  sitting  to  redress  the  griev- 
ances of  Friends.  From  county  to  county  went,  like  a 
band  of  locusts,  idle,  dissolute  informers,  making  spoil 
for  themselves  of  Friends'  property.  The  accused  were 
left  by  the  Conventicle  Act  at  the  mercy  of  a  single 
magistrate,  and  EUzabeth's  Acts  against  Popish  recusants 
were  freely  used  against  them. 

The  circumstances  were  such  that  the  colony  of  Penn- 
sylvania was  due  to  be  born. 

*  p.  744- 


The    Charter    ot    Pennsylvania 

The  oppression  of  the  early  Stuarts  had  produced 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers  and  New  England.  The  second  and, 
I  think,  greater  and  longer  oppression  under  Charles  II. 
produced  New  Jersey  and  Pennsylvania.  To  its  birth 
events  conspired  as  in  a  romance. 

Without  William  Penn's  combination  of  resources 
and  qualities  the  great  experiment  could  not  have  been 
made.  He  possessed  both  the  ear  of  the  Court  and, 
what  was  more  to  the  point,  a  heavy  financial  claim  on 
the  King.  He  was  also  thoroughly  interested  and 
experienced  as  a  coloniser,  through  his  control  in  New 


His  personal  friendliness  to  his  guardian,  the  Duke 
of  York,  and  his  known  harmlessness  and  freedom  from 
intrigue,  made  him  acceptable  at  Court,  even  though 
so  notoriously  mixed  up  with  the  republican  Sidney. 
No  man  feared  double  dealing  or  betrayal  from  him. 
So  he  had  still  many  friends  of  title  and  influence  at 
Whitehall ;  and  he  was  himself  a  pleasant  and  attractive 
acquaintance  for  anybody  to  own. 

The  fortunate  claim  against  the  Crown  left  him  by 
his  father  the  Admiral,  consisting  of  loans  and  arrears  of 
pay,  had  mounted  up  with  interest  to  £16,000.  And 
there  was  no  way  of  paying  it.  If  the  creditor  would 
accept  any  number  of  square  miles  in  the  western 
wilderness  instead  of  money,  the  King  would  be  only  too 


glad.  No  doubt  William  Penn's  open  advocacy  of 
political  reform  and  of  a  republican  candidate,  (though 
no  republican  himself),  had  been  undertaken  with  the 
knowledge  that  he  was  thereby  jeopardising  a  large  part 
of  his  fortune.  For  Charles  did  not  stick  at  repudiation. 
In  1672  he  did  it  on  a  large  scale.  But  happily  this 
risk  did  not  materialise.  In  Penn's  opinion,  however, 
it  would  have  done  so,  but  for  the  offer  to  take  it  out  in 
land  in  America. 

The  opponents  of  the  Quaker  migration  were  of  a 
coarser,  more  terrestrial  type  than  those  heavenly  powers 
who  opposed  the  voyage  of  Aeneas  to  the  Ausonian  land 
in  the  West,  but  they  were  not  on  that  account  to  be 
despised ;  and  they  caused  much  irritating  delay. 
William  Penn  would  never  have  got  his  charter  but  for 
the  friendliness  and  support  of  the  Duke  of  York,  who 
stood  by  his  promise  to  his  dying  colleague,  the  Admiral. 
So  that  Philadelphia  after  all  owes  its  existence  to  that 
misguided  man.  King  James  II.  It  is  the  more  creditable 
to  James,  in  that  William  Penn  had  been  engaged  in  a 
lawsuit  against  him  on  behalf  of  the  colonists  of  New 
Jersey.  We  have  seen  that  the  whole  American  dominion, 
called  formerly  New  Netherlands,  had  been  handed  over 
to  James  as  his  property  ;  and  from  him  the  proprietors 
had  bought  New  Jersey.  The  Duke  endeavoured,  how- 
ever, after  he  had  parted  with  the  ownership,  to  continue 
a  five  per  cent,  import  and  export  tax.  Acting  on  an 
urgent  request  from  the  colonists,  Penn  had  succeeded  in 
the  courts  in  getting  rid  of  the  tax,  at  the  expense  of 
his  most  influential  friend.  His  powerful  plea  on  their 
behalf  is  printed  by  Janney  (pp.  160-2). 

Penn's  supporters,  in  his  negotiations  for  a  colonial 
charter,  were  the  Earl  of  Sunderland,  formerly  his  youthful 
friend  Robert  Spencer,  Lord  Hyde,  Chief  Justice  North 
and  the  Earl  of  Halifax  ;  no  mean  list  of  names,  for 
Sunderland  and  Halifax  were  the  chief  politicians  opposing 
the  Exclusion  Bill. 

?  7>€liSSACHllSZTTS\ 

i      car      1  « < 



In  June  1680  Penn  petitioned  the  Committee  of  the 
Privy  Council  on  Trade  and  Plantations — a  sort  of  embryo 
Colonial  Office — for  a  grant  of  "  land,  lying  north  of 
Maryland,  bounded  on  the  East  by  the  Delaware  river, 
on  the  west  limited  as  Maryland,  and  to  extend 
north  as  far  as  plantable."  He  was  called  in  and 
explained  that  three  degrees  of  latitude  would 
satisfy  him  ;  and  this  was  granted,  from  the  fortieth  to  the 
forth-third  parallel.  But  unfortunately  for  the  Com- 
mittee's geography,  there  were  not  three  degrees  between 
the  colonies  of  New  York  and  Maryland.  This  was  the 
beginning  of  much  trouble  with  Lord  Baltimore.  The 
territory  was  stated  in  the  charter  to  cover  five  degrees 
of  longitude  west  from  the  Delaware.  The  territory  as 
finally  fixed  was  nearly  three  hundred  miles  from  east  to 
west  and  160  miles  from  north  to  south  ;  it  covered  47,000 
square  miles,  almost  as  large  as  England.  The  State  of 
New  Jersey  occupies  a  peninsula  running  south  from  New 
York,  and  separated  on  the  west  from  the  mainland  by 
the  river  and  estuary  of  the  Delaware.  Westward  across 
this  dividing  water  lay  the  new  territory.  Its  access  to 
the  sea  was  down  the  long  river  estuary. 

The  Committee  was  presided  over  by  the  drunken 
Duke  of  Albemarle,  son  of  General  George  Monk.  With 
him  were  Henry  Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  who  after- 
wards invited  William  of  Orange  over,  and  Secretary 
Jenkyns.  Sir  John  Werden,  acting  for  the  Duke  of  York, 
was  favourable,  reserving  the  Duke's  rights  in  what  is  now 
the  State  of  Delaware.  The  agents  of  Lord  Baltimore  sub- 
mitted that  the  southern  boundary  should  be  a  line  east 
and  west  drawn  north  of  Susquehannah  Fort.  This  Penn 
accepted.  They  also  asked  that  no  ammunition  should  be 
sold  across  this  frontier  to  the  Indians.  Penn  obligingly 
agreed  to  submit  to  any  restrictions  on  that  head  that 
their  lordships  might  impose.  By  November  i8th, 
1680,  a  draft  grant  was  written  out,  and  referred  to  the 
Attorney- General.     By    January,    1681,  the    boundaries 


were  supposed  to  be  settled  by  Lord  Chief  Justice  North. 
On  February  ist  came  a  demand  from  the  Bishop  of 
London  that  an  AngUcan  chaplain,  of  his  lordship's 
appointment,  should  be  paid  out  of  the  state  revenues 
on  the  request  of  a  certain  number,  fixed  at  twenty, 
planters.  Thus  to  saddle  the  Quaker  colony  with  an 
established  church,  to  begin  with,  may  have  been  good 
business,  but  it  was  not  good  conduct.  Bishops  have 
often  shone  as  negotiators. 

The  charter  was  signed  by  the  King  on  14th  March, 
168 1.  It  is  still  kept,  hung  in  the  State  House  at  Harris- 
burg,  as  the  great  treasure  of  the  State.  No  book  of  the 
law  and  the  testimony  was  ever  more  honoured.  It  is 
gorgeously  emblazoned  on  strong  parchment  rolls. 

The  well  known  story  of  the  naming  of  the  Province 
is  most  simply  given  in  William  Penn's  letter  to  his  friend 
Robert  Turner. 

"  5th  of  ist  mo.,  1681. 
"  Dear  Friend  : — My  true  love  in  the  Lord  salutes  thee  and 
dear  friends  that  love  the  Lord's  precious  truth  in  those  parts. 
Thine  I  have,  and  for  my  business  here,  know  that  after  many 
waitings,  watchings,  solicitings,  and  disputes  in  council,  this 
day  my  country  was  confirmed  to  me  under  the  great  seal  of 
England,  with  large  powers  and  privileges,  by  the  name  of 
Pennsylvania  ;  a  name  the  King  would  give  it  in  honour  of  my 
father.  I  chose  New  Wales,  being,  as  this,  a  pretty  hilly  country, 
but  Penn  being  Welsh  for  a  head,  as  Penmanmoire  in  Wales, 
and  Penrith  in  Cumberland,  and  Penn  in  Buckinghamshire, 
the  highest  land  in  England,  called  this  Pennsylvania,  which  is 
the  high  or  head  woodlands  ;  for  I  proposed,  when  the  Secretary, 
a  Welshman,  refused  to  have  it  called  New  Wales,  Sylvania,  and 
they  added  Penn  to  it  ;  and  though  I  much  opposed  it,  and  went 
to  the  King  to  have  it  struck  out  and  altered,  he  said  it  was  past, 
and  would  take  it  upon  him  ;  nor  could  twenty  guineas  move  the 
under  secretary  to  vary  the  name  ;  for  I  feared  lest  it  should  be 
looked  upon  as  a  vanity  in  me,  and  not  as  a  respect  in  the  King,  as 
it  truly  was,  to  my  father,  whom  he  often  mentions  with  praise. 
Thou  mayest  communicate  my  grant  to  Friends,  and  expect 
shortly  my  proposals. 


"  It  is  a  clear  and  just  thing,  and  my  God  that  has  given  it  me 
through  many  difficulties,  \vill,  I  beUeve,  bless  and  make  it  the 
seed  of  a  nation.  I  shall  have  a  tender  care  to  the  government, 
that  it  be  well  laid  at  first.  No  more  now,  but  dear  love  in  the 
truth.  Thy  true  friend, 

"Wm.  Penn." 

The  Attorney  General  took  care  that  all  the  royal 
rights  were  preserved,  and  the  dependence  of  the  colony 
upon  the  mother  country  assured.  William  Penn  was 
made  the  owner  of  the  whole  territory,  with  right  to 
appoint  magistrates,  hold  courts,  sell  land.  The  pro- 
prietor and  people  had  the  right  of  legislation,  which  was 
to  be  subject  to  the  approval  of  the  King  in  Council. 
He  might  grant  pardons,  except  for  murder  and  treason, 
and  these  cases  he  might  reprieve,  pending  a  reference  tc 
the  King.  The  royal  privileges  ran  in  Pennsylvania  as  in 
England.  Parliament  still  controlled  foreign  com- 
merce. The  province  was  strictly  limited  to  trading  wdth 
England  only.  Goods,  after  lying  in  England  something 
less  than  a  year  and  paying  customs,  might  be  transhipped. 
The  full  right  to  levy  taxes  was  reserved,  with  historical 
consequences  of  no  mean  moment.  Certain  appeals 
against  the  Colonial  Courts  might  go  to  England.* 

Thus  was  launched  the  great  enterprise  of  this  vigorous 
and  devoted  career.  And  yet,  like  most  other  great 
deeds,  it  arose,  as  we  have  seen,  naturally  and  inevitably 
out  of  that  man  being  in  that  place  at  that  cime. 

The  problem  now — a  difficulty  never  really  solved,  and 
inherent  in  the  case — was  how  to  build  a  free  democracy 
on  the  foundation  of  an  independent  lord  proprietorship 
of  the  soil,  out  of  such  powers  as  the  landowner  was, 
however  gladly  and  graciously,  willing  to  bestow. 

Penn's  life  had  now  reached  the  beginning  of  its 
meridian  period.     The  founding  of  a  colony  where  there 

*  Enormously  long  Pennsylvania  Papers  in  the  State  Paper  Office 
record  these  transactions.  They  are  also  collected  in  Watson's  "  Annals 
of  Pennsylvania." 



might  be  freedom  and  peace,  far  from  a  wicked  and  worn- 
out  world,  was  a  task  worthy  of  the  greatest  and  happiest 
of  mankind.  And  in  the  clouds  of  trouble  that  it  brought 
him  for  the  next  thirty  years,  we  see  the  hero  suffering 
for  the  race. 

There  were  already  in  the  colony  a  few  Swedes,  sent 
out  long  before  by  Gustavus  Adolphus,  a  few  Dutch  of  an 
earlier  date,  and  some  Friends  who  had  wandered  across 
from  New  Jersey.  It  contained  2,000  people  altogether, 
and  there  were  three  Swedish  Churches  and  three  Friends' 
Meeting  Houses  in  the  colony.  To  these  residents 
William  Penn  issued  a  friendly,  reassuring  letter.  He  sent 
it  out  by  a  Deputy  Governor,  his  young  soldier-cousin, 
William  Markham.  He  could  hardly  send  a  Friend, 
because  in  the  matter  of  oaths  and  vain  titles  and  in  the 
matter  of  the  use  of  force  if  needed,  while  Friends  them- 
selves had  scruples,  it  might  be  necessary  for  some  one  to 
be  ready  to  act,  who  did  not  share  these  testimonies. 
For  the  colony  was  not  a  free  state,  but  a  part  of  the 
British  Empire.  Markham  saw  Lord  Baltimore  at  Upland 
on  the  Delaware,  now  Chester.  They  there  found  that  the 
fortieth  parallel  of  latitude,  supposed  to  meet  a  circle  drawn 
twelve  miles  round  New  Castle,  a  place  much  to  the  south 
of  Chester,  was  really  at  least  twelve  miles  north  of  Chester 
itself.  There  were,  in  fact,  not  three  degrees  of  latitude 
available  for  Pennsylvania.  It  was  clear  that  William 
Penn  had  better  try  to  obtain  from  the  Duke  of  York 
his  settlements  further  down  the  Delaware  on  its  western 
bank,  now  the  State  of  Delaware.  This  was  ultimately 
accomplished  ;  and  these  districts,  known  as  the  Terri- 
tories, became  the  centre  of  much  controversy  in 
Pennsylvanian  history. 

The  boundary  dispute  was  no  small  matter.  Under 
Lord  Baltimore's  largest  claim  he  would  have  included 
Philadelphia  itself,  and  under  Penn's  largest,  he  would 
have  included  Baltimore. 


The   Colonists  and  the   Frame   of 


The  Founder's  next  task  was  to  gather  his  colonists. 
He  drew  up  his  proposals  in  a  prospectus  of  a  somewhat 
unusual  kind.  It  was  necessary  first  to  argue  that 
colonies  are  good  for  the  mother  country.  Many  in  that 
day  thought  that  they  drained  off  population  and  wealth. 
That  is  not  a  common  heresy  nowadays.  The  truth 
which  now  needs  emphasis  is  that  colonies  may  be 
equally  profitable  to  us  even  if  under  the  government  of 
another  nation,  if  there  is  an  open  door.  Even  if  there 
is  not  an  open  door,  the  colonies  of  other  nations  are 
still  greatly  to  our  advantage,  as  contributors  to  inter- 
national trade,  in  which  we  have  a  large  share.  Every- 
thing bought  or  sold  anywhere  has  its  reaction  everywhere. 

Penn  was  able  to  offer  free  government,  excellent 
rivers  and  harbours,  rich  and  varied  forests  and  fisheries. 
The  vast  mineral  wealth  which  has  made  Pennsylvania 
the  greatest  manufacturing  state  in  America,  he  could 
not  foresee. 

He  offered  shares  of  5,000  acres  each  for  £100  ;  or 
land  at  4^  pence  per  acre,  or  forty  shillings  per  hundred 
acres,  subject  to  a  quit  rent  of  a  shilling  per  hundred 
acres,  not  to  begin  till  1684.  On  these  quit  rents  he 
hoped  to  maintain  the  cost  of  government.  Several  people 
might  join  to  take  up  a  share.     Those  who  could  not  afford 



to  buy  land  at  all  might  rent  up  to  two  hundred  acres  at 
a  penny  an  acre.  Those  who  took  over  servants  were  to 
be  allowed  fifty  acres  at  the  same  rent  for  each,  and  each 
labourer,  when  his  time  of  service  was  expired,  was  to 
have  fifty  acres  at  a  halfpenny  per  acre,  to  facilitate  the 
extension  of  a  peasant  farming  class.  The  rents  here 
fixed  were  never  to  be  raised.  Those  who  could  not  pay 
their  £6  for  passage  money  paid  double  rent,  to  recoup 
those  who  provided  it.* 

The  prospectus  concluded  by  warning  "  my  dear 
country  folks  who  may  be  inclined  to  go  into  those  parts  " 
that  some  hardship  would  precede  the  advent  of  plenty  ; 
to  have  an  eye  to  the  Providence  of  God  and  if  possible 
to  come  with  the  approval  of  their  families.  He  "  forebore 

A  copy  of  this  prospectus  Penn  sent  to  his  friends  in 
America,  with  a  letter  saying  that  his  Quakerism  had 
prevented  the  repayment  by  the  crown  of  its  debt ;  but 
"  perhaps  this  way  of  satisfaction  has  more  of  the  hand 
of  God  in  it  than  a  direct  payment."  For  "  the  matters 
of  liberty  and  privilege  I  propose  that  which  is  extra- 
ordinary, and  to  leave  myself  and  my  successors  no  power 
of  doing  mischief,  that  the  will  of  one  man  may  not  hinder 
the  good  of  a  whole  country." 

Further  conditions  and  concessions  laid  down  the 
native  policy  of  the  colony.  In  the  first  place  all  the  land 
was  rebought  from  the  Indians.  "  It  would  be  an  ill 
argument  to  convert  to  Christianity,  to  expel,  instead  of 
purchasing  them  out  of,  those  countries."  All  goods  sold 
or  exchanged  with  them  were  to  be  shown  in  open  market 
to  prevent  frauds  upon  them.  All  wrongs  done  to 
Indians  were  to  be  treated  as  though  done  to  a  white  man. 
All  differences  with  Indians  were  to  be  settled  by  a  jury 
of  six  from  each  race.  (This  was  found  impracticable). 
The  Indians  might  settle  anywhere  they  wished.  The 
usual    European    treatment    of   the    natives    had    been 

*  Letter  to  S.  Hanson,  Janney,  p.  175. 



cheating,  oppression  of  every  sort,  slave  labour  in  mines, 
the  denial  of  all  rights  and  chronic  war.  Penn  writes  to 
Robert  Turner,  4th  September,  1681  : 

"  I  did  refuse  a  great  temptation  last  Second  Day,  which  was 
;^6,ooo  to  a  company  to  do  the  trade  with  the  Indians  from  South 
to  North,  paying  me  2 J  per  cent,  rent,  but  I  would  not  so  defile 
what  came  to  me  clean."* 

Much,  too  much,  has  been  made  by  Hepworth  Dixon 
of  the  share  Algernon  Sidney  had  in  the  constitution. 
The  following  letter,  sadly  interesting  in  itself,  tells  us  all 
we  know  on  that  point : 


13th  October,  1681. 

"  There  are  many  things  make  a  man's  life  uneasy  in  the 
world,  which  are  great  abates  to  the  pleasure  of  Hving,  but 
scarcely  one  equal  to  that  of  the  unkindness  or  injustice  of 

"  I  have  been  asked  by  several  since  I  came  last  to  town,  if 
Col.  Sidney  and  I  were  fallen  out,  and  when  I  denied  it,  and 
laughed  at  it,  they  told  me  I  was  mistaken,  and  to  convince  me, 
stated  that  he  had  used  me  very  ill  to  several  persons,  if  not 
companies,  saying,  I  had  a  good  country,  but  the  basest  laws  in 
the  world,  not  to  be  endured  or  Hved  under,  and  that  the  Turk 
was  not  more  absolute  than  I.  This  made  me  remember  the  dis- 
course we  had  together,  at  my  house,  about  me  drawing  constitu- 
tions, not  as  proposals,  but  as  if  fixed  to  the  hand.  And  that  as  my 
act,  to  which  the  rest  were  to  comply  if  they  would  be  concerned 
with  me.  But  withal,  I  could  not  but  call  to  mind,  that  the 
objections  were  presently  comphed  with,  both  by  my  verbal 
denial  of  all  such  constructions  as  the  words  might  hear,  as  if  they 
were  imposed  and  not  yet  free  for  debate.  And,  also,  that  I  took 
my  pen,  and  immediately  altered  the  terms,  so  as  they  corresponded 
(and  truly,  I  thought  more  properly)  with  thy  objection  and 
sense.  Upon  this  thou  didst  draw  a  draft,  as  to  the  frame  of 
government,  gave  it  to  me  to  read,  and  we  discourst  it  with 
considerable  argument ;  it  was  afterwards  called  for  back  by 
thee  to  finish  and  polish ;   and  I  suspended  proceedings  in^  the 

*  Janney,  p.  176,  abridged. 



business  ever  since  (that  being  to  be  done  after  other  matters), 
instead  of  any  further  conference  about  it. 

"  I  met  with  this  sort  of  language  in  the  mouths  of  several ; 
I  shall  not  believe  it ;  'twere  not  well  in  me  to  an  enemy,  less  so 
to  a  friend  ;  but  if  it  be  true,  I  shall  be  sorry  we  ever  were  so  well 
acquainted,  or  that  I  have  given  so  much  occasion  to  them  that 
hate  us,  to  laugh  at  me  for  more  true  friendship  and  steady 
kindness  than  I  have  been  guilty  of  to  any  man  I  know  living.  It 
becomes  not  my  pretensions  to  the  things  of  another  life  to  be 
much  in  pain  about  the  imcertainties  of  this  ;  but  be  it  as  it  will, 
I  am  yet  worth  a  line  ;  and  I  would  pray  one  of  the  truth  of  the 
fact,  for  the  injury  it  hath  done  me  already  is  nothing  to  the 
trouble  it  will  give  me  if  I  have  deserved  it ;  and  if  I  have  not, 
of  losing  a  friend  upon  a  mistake  ;  not  that  I  meanly  creep  for  a 
friendship  that  is  denied  me  ;  I  were  unfit  for  it  then.  I  can  but 
be  where  I  was  before,  not  less  in  myself  or  my  own  peace,  which 
a  steady  virtue  will  make  a  sufficient  comfort  and  sanctuary. 
Thy  real  friend,  Wm.  Penn." 

We  know  nothing  of  Sidney's  reply. 

Negro  slavery  was  as  yet  an  unchallenged  institution. 
Its  regulation  and  finally  its  abolition  is  the  most  glorious 
chapter  in  the  story  of  American  Quakerism.  The  dawn 
of  the  feeling  for  freedom,  even  for  negroes,  is  found  in  the 
constitution  of  the  Free  Society  of  Traders,  under 
Penn's  patronage.  Negroes  were  to  be  free  after  fourteen 
years  ;  they  were  then  to  receive  land,  stock  and  tools 
and  to  pay  two  thirds  of  their  crop  to  the  Company. 
Not  very  much  perhaps,  but  a  beginning. 

He  could  not  go  to  the  colony  himself  till  the  colonists 
had  sold  up  in  England,  and  could  go  with  him.  But 
in  the  autumn  of  168 1,  he  sent  out  Commissioners  to  lay 
out  a  great  town  on  the  Delaware. 

They  were  to  sound  the  rivers  and  creeks  to  find  where 
deep  water  approached  the  shore,  so  that  ships  might 
load  at  the  quay  side  ;  and  if  possible,  the  site  was  to  be 
at  the  mouth  of  a  good  river.  The  town  was  to  cover  ten 
thousand  acres.  This  is  four  miles  square,  the  size  of 
the  London  of  William  Penn's  time.     But  it  was   not   to 


be  built  that  way.  It  was  to  be  "  a  green,  country  town  ; " 
with  space  round  all  the  houses  "  for  gardens  and 
orchards,  so  that  it  will  never  be  burnt  and  be  always 
wholesome."  Every  purchaser  of  5,000  acres  was  to  be 
entitled  to  100  acres  of  town  lots.  Penn's  own  residence 
was  to  be  on  the  middle  of  the  houses  facing  the  Delaware, 
and  to  stand  on  300  acres  of  land.  A  friendly  letter  to  the 
Indians  accompanied  the  Commissioners.  From  them, 
piece  by  piece,  the  land  was  bought :  doubtless  from  the 
chiefs,  in  large  pieces,  for  the  Indians  were  nomad  hunters, 
with  no  fixed  abode.  The  commissioners  fixed  the  site 
of  Philadelphia  just  above  the  junction  of  the  Delaware 
and  the  Schuylkill,  with  a  front  on  each  parallel  river. 

He  was  not  left  wholly  free,  during  these  months  of 
pressure,  to  think  of  nothing  but  his  new  land  of  promise. 
There  was  faction  among  Friends  from  a  few  fanatics 
of  pure  liberty,  who  objected  to  all  organisation;  there 
was  a  harsh  persecution  going  on  at  Bristol.  Both  these 
required  his  intervention.  He  was  nearly  imprisoned 
himself  in  the  midst  of  his  great  affairs.  But  the  power 
and  solemnity  of  his  preaching  and  that  of  George  Fox 
at  Gracechurch  Street  so  overcame  the  informer  and  the 
constable,  that  the  former  slunk  away  and  the  latter  then 
felt  free  to  drop  the  business.  Life  was  an  unflagging 
adventure  with  these  men. 

Penn's  mother  died  at  the  beginning  of  1682.  It 
affected  him  so  that  for  many  days  he  could  not  bear  the 
light,  and  lay  ill  for  some  time. 

His  principal  task  was  in  making  the  famous  Frame 
of  Government  for  Pennsylvania,  the  model  of  later 
American  constitutions  and  the  basis  of  the  great  Federal 
Constitution  of  1776.  It  was  finished  by  April,  1682, 
and  had  a  Preface  of  great  interest.  The  author 
deduces  from  Scripture  the  justification  for  government, 
and  proceeds  : — 

"  So  that  government  seems  to  me  a  part  of  rehgion  itself, 
a  thing  sacred  in  its  institution  and  end  ;  for  if  it  does  not  directly 


remove  the  cause,  it  crushes  the  effect  of  evil,  and  is,  as  such, 
though  a  lower  yet  an  emanation  of  the  same  divine  power  that 
is  both  author  and  object  of  pure  religion  ;  the  difference  lying 
here,  that  the  one  is  more  free  and  mental,  the  other  more  corporal 
and  compulsive  in  its  operation  ;  but  that  is  only  to  evil  doers, 
government  itself  being  otherwise  as  capable  of  kindness,  good- 
ness, and  charity,  as  a  more  private  society.  They  weakly  err 
who  think  there  is  no  other  use  of  government  than  correction, 
which  is  the  coarsest  part  of  it.  Daily  experience  tells  us  that 
the  care  and  regulation  of  many  other  affairs,  more  soft  and  daily 
necessary,  make  up  much  the  greatest  part  of  government,  and 
which  must  have  followed  the  peopUng  of  the  world,  had  Adam 
never  fallen,  and  will  continue  among  men  on  earth  under  the 
highest  attainments  that  they  may  arrive  at  by  the  coming  of  the 
blessed  second  Adam,  the  Lord  from  heaven.  Thus  much  of 
government  in  general,  as  to  its  rise  and  end." 

"  For  particular  frames  and  modes  it  will  become  me  to  say 
little,  and,  comparatively,  I  will  say  nothing.  My  reasons  are, 
first,  that  the  age  is  too  nice  and  difficult  for  it,  there  being  nothing 
the  wits  of  men  are  more  busy  and  divided  upon.  'Tis  true  they 
seem  to  agree  in  the  end,  to  wit,  happiness,  but  in  the  means  they 
differ,  as  to  divine,  so  to  this  human  felicity ;  and  the  cause  is 
much  the  same,  not  always  want  of  light  and  knowledge,  but  want 
of  using  them  rightly.  Men  side  with  their  passions  against  their 
reason  :  and  their  sinister  interests  have  so  strong  a  bias  upon  their 
minds,  that  they  lean  to  them  against  the  good  of  the  things 
they  know. 

"  Secondly,  I  do  not  find  a  model  in  the  world,  that  time, 
place,  and  some  singular  emergencies  have  not  necessarily  altered, 
nor  is  it  easy  to  frame  a  civil  government  that  shall  serve  all 
places  alike." 

"  Thirdly,  I  know  what  is  said  by  the  several  admirers  of 
monarchy,  aristocracy,  and  democracy,  which  are  the  rule  of 
one,  of  a  few,  and  of  many,  and  are  the  three  common  ideas  of 
government  when  men  discourse  on  that  subject.  But  I  choose  to 
solve  the  controversy  with  this  small  distinction,  and  it  belongs 
to  all  three :  any  government  is  free  to  the  people  under  it, 
whatever  be  the  frame,  where  the  laws  rule  and  the  people  are  a 
party  to  the  laws  ;  and  more  than  this  is  tyranny,  oligarchy, 
or  confusion. 


"  But  lastly,  when  all  is  said,  there  is  hardly  one  frame  of 
government  in  the  world  so  ill-designed  by  its  first  founders,  that 
in  good  hands  would  not  do  well  enough  ;  and  story  tells  us,  that 
the  best  in  ill  ones  can  do  nothing  that  is  great  and  good  ;  witness 
the  Jewish  and  Roman  states.  Governments,  like  clocks,  go 
from  the  motion  men  give  them  ;  and  as  governments  are  made 
and  moved  by  men,  so  by  them  they  are  ruined  too.  Wherefore 
governments  rather  depend  upon  men  than  men  upon  govern- 
ments. Let  men  be  good,  and  the  government  cannot  be 
bad.  If  it  be  ill  they  will  cure  it.  But  if  men  be  bad,  let  the 
government  be  ever  so  good,  they  will  endeavour  to  warp  and  spoil 
it  to  their  turn. 

"  I  know  some  say,  '  Let  us  have  good  law,  and  no  matter  for 
the  men  that  execute  them.'  But  let  them  consider,  that  though 
good  laws  do  well,  good  men  do  better  ;  for  good  laws  may  want 
good  men,  and  be  abolished  or  evaded  by  ill  men  ;  but  good  men 
will  never  want  good  laws,  nor  suffer  ill  ones.  'Tis  true,  good  laws 
have  some  awe  upon  ill  ministers,  but  that  is  where  these  have  not 
power  to  escape  or  abolish  them,  and  where  the  people  are  gener- 
ally wise  and  good  ;  but  a  loose  and  depraved  people,  (which  is  the 
question),  love  laws  and  an  administration  like  themselves.  That, 
therefore,  which  makes  a  good  constittion  must  keep  it,  namely, 
men  of  wisdom  and  virtue,  quahties  that,  because  they  descend  not 
with  worldly  inheritance,  must  be  carefully  propagated  by  a 
virtuous  education  of  youth,  for  which  after  ages  will  owe  more 
to  the  care  and  prudence  of  founders  and  the  successive  magis- 
tracy, than  to  their  parents  for  their  private  patrimonies. 

"  These  considerations  of  the  weight  of  government,  and  the 
nice  and  various  opinions  about  it,  made  it  uneasy  to  me  to  think 
of  pubUshing  the  ensuing  Frame  and  Conditional  Laws,  foreseeing 
both  the  censures  they  will  meet  \vith  from  men  of  different 
humours  and  engagements,  and  the  occasion  they  may  give  of 
discourse  beyond  my  design. 

"  But  next  to  the  power  of  necessity,  which  is  a  solicitor  that 
will  take  no  denial,  this  induced  me  to  a  comphance,  that  we  have, 
with  reverence  to  God  and  good  conscience  to  men,  to  the  best  of 
our  skill  contrived  and  composed  the  frame  and  laws  of  this 
government  to  the  great  end  of  all  government,  viz.,  to  support 
power  in  reverence  with  the  people,  and  to  secure  the  people  from 
the  abuse  of  power,  that  they  may  be  free  by  their  just  obedience. 


and  the  magistrates  honourable  for  their  just  administration  ; 
for  hberty  without  obedience  is  confusion,  and  obedience  without 
liberty  is  slavery. 

"  To  carry  this  evenness  is  partly  owing  to  the  constitution, 
and  partly  to  the  magistracy  ;  where  either  of  these  fail,  govern- 
ment will  be  subject  to  convulsions  ;  but  where  both  are  wanting, 
it  must  be  totally  subverted  ;  then  where  both  meet,  the  govern- 
ment is  like  to  endure,  which  I  humbly  pray  and  hope  God  will 
please  to  make  the  lot  of  Pennsylvania.     Amen. 

"  William  Penn." 

The  Frame  of  Government,  which  was  signed  in 
England,  May  6th,  1682,  by  the  Governor  and  freemen 
before  they  sailed,*  may  be  summarised  thus  :  There 
was  to  be  a  Council  of  seventy-two  persons  elected 
by  the  freemen  of  the  Province,  one  third  to  retire  each 
year.  The  governor  or  his  deputy  presided  and  had  a 
treble  vote.  This  was  the  only  legislative  privilege  the 
Governor  retained.  The  Governor  and  Council  prepared 
and  thrashed  out  all  bills,  and  presented  them  to  the 
Assembly,  who  passed  or  rejected  them.  Before  this 
final  vote,  however,  eight  days  of  consideration  and  con- 
ference with  a  committee  of  the  Council,  for  the  amend- 
ment of  bills,  might  intervene  if  desired.  The  idea  was 
to  leave  the  preparation  of  detail  to  a  smaller  body  of 
experts,  and  the  final  decision  on  principles  to  the  demo- 
cracy. The  Assembly  was  not  to  exceed  200  ;  and  was 
elected  annually  by  ballot.  The  Governor  and  Council 
managed  finance,  police,  appeals,  education,  and  the 
encouragement  of  science  and  invention. 

For  the  first  year,  the  Assembly  was  to  consist  of  all 
the  freemen  of  the  province.  And,  as  a  temporary 
measure,  William  Penn  was  to  appoint  the  first  judges  and 
executive  officers.  Afterwards  the  Governor  and  Council 
were  to  appoint  them.  Not  only  landholders,  but  every 
taxpayer  could  vote.  There  was  to  be  no  taxation  but  by 
law,  litigants  might  plead  their  own  causes,  trials  were  by 
jury  ;    no  oaths  were  required,  so  that  Quaker  bugbear 

*  Janney,  p.  190. 


was  thought  to  be  got  rid  of  ;  all  fines  were  to  be  moderate. 
Friends'  experience  of  gaols  qualified  them  for  penal 
legislation.  All  prisons  were  to  be  workshops  and  reform- 
atory in  character.  Felons  were  to  restore  double  to 
those  they  had  wronged,  or  in  default  to  labour  till  the 
damage  was  repaired.  Slanderers  were  to  be  accounted 
enemies  of  the  public  peace.  The  penalty  of  death  was 
reserved  for  wilful  murder  and  treason. 

All  children  of  twelve  were  to  be  taught  some  useful 

Members  of  the  Council  and  Assembly  and  all  judges 
were  to  profess  faith  in  Christianity,  and  not  to  be  con- 
victed of  "  unsober  or  dishonest  conversation." 

Persons  who  believed  in  God  were  not  to  be  molested 
or  compelled  to  any  form  of  religious  worship. 

This  large  measure  of  toleration  may  be  criticised  as 
not  absolute  ;  but  it  was  a  wonderful  thing  in  those  days. 
It  will  be  observed  that  Catholics  under  this  Frame  could 
hold  any  ofiice. 

"  According  to  the  good  example  of  the  primitive 
Christians,  and  for  the  ease  of  the  creation  "  there  was 
to  be  no  common  daily  labour  on  Sundays.  It  will  be 
observed  that  the  Quakers  from  the  beginning  based 
nothing  on  the  Jewish  Sabbath,  and  so  escaped  much 
Puritan  error.  But  the  punitive  function  of  government 
was  carried  in  other  ways  far  in  the  Puritan  direction. 
All  offences  against  God,  such  as  swearing,  cursing,  lying, 
profane  talking,  drunkenness,  drinking  healths,  selling 
rum  to  Indians,  all  felonies,  murders,  duels,  and  all  stage- 
plays,  cards,  vice,  and  gambling,  to  be  severely  punished 
according  to  the  appointment  of  the  governor  and  freemen 
in  provincial  council  and  general  assembly.  The  sand- 
wiching of  murder  in  between  lying  and  card  playing  is 
very  quaint,  Alas  !  no  penal  code  has  yet  found  itself 
able  to  deal  effectually  with  lying. 

But,  with  this  exception,  how  large  and  how  modern 
the  whole  scheme  is.     At  that  date  English  law  punished 


200    offences    with    death,    and     was     correspondingly 
savage  all  through.     Penn,  before  his  time,  and  knowing 

^/  Newgate,  looked  to  the  reformation  of  the  criminal  in 
whose  poor  personality  the  light  of  God  was  potential, 
even  if  clouded. 

Indeed,  the  whole  code  with  its  reverence  for  humanity 
as  such,  was  the  expression  of  Quakerism  in  government. 

^  That  this  Frame  of  Government  may  justly  be  claimed 
as  the  political  outcome  of  the  Quaker  faith  is  confirmed 
by  comparing  it  with  the  constitution  of  the  Carolinas. 
This  document  was  compiled  by  the  renowned  thinker 
John  Locke,  the  political  philosopher  of  the  Revolution, 
and  a  man  of  the  highest  character.  He  had  been  at 
Christchurch  with  William  Penn,  and  the  two  men  were 
always  friends.  They  were  liberal  thinkers.  Fellows  of 
the  Royal  Society,  and  sincerely  devout.  But  towards 
democracy,  towards  poor  humanity,  they  had  evidently 
"^  opposite  thoughts.  Out  of  his  belief  in  the  In- 
dwelling God,  and  his  experience  of  suffering,  of  the 
heroism  of  common  people,  and  the  sins  of  the  great, 
the  Quaker  had  come  to  trust  a  free  people.  Out  of  his 
academic  seclusion,  and  his  assured  position  among 
superior  persons,  Locke  had  concluded  that  aristocracy 
was  better.  His  constitution  was  much  the  more 
admired  at  the  time  ;  it  belonged  to  that  age,  and  with 
that  age  it  perished.  With  all  its  provisions  for  eternal 
fixity  it  failed  at  once.  The  flexible  constitution  of 
William  Penn  is  that  of  the  most  progressive  states  to-day, 
and  will  be  even  more  closely  followed  to-morrow.  The 
following  is  Hep  worth  Dixon's  summary  of  the  consti- 
tution of  the  Carolinas.* 

"  I.  The  Province,  which  was  larger  than  Great  Britain,  was 

held  by  eight    proprietors.     These  men   were    to   be  absolute 

monarchs,  with  hereditary  succession.     If  a  line  of  descent  became 

'*      extinct,   the  other  seven  elected  a  new  eighth  by  ( o-optation  ; 

the  eldest  proprietor  for  the  time  being  was  called  the  Palatine, 

*  "  Historical  Biography,"  pp.  234-6. 


and  drew  a  large  salary  as  Sovereign  of  the  whole  ;  the  others 
were  respectively  Admiral,  Chancellor,  Chamberlain,  Constable, 
Chief  Justice,  High  Steward  and  Treasurer.  One  fifth  of  the 
whole  land  was  to  be  in  the  hands  of  these  eight,  inalienably 
for  ever. 

"  2,  A  second  fifth  was  appropriated  to  a  hereditary  nobility. 
Of  those  also  there  was  to  be  a  fixed  number  for  ever,  one  earl 
and  two  barons  for  every  480,000  acres.  Their  estates  were 
neither  to  accumulate  nor  diminish,  and  if  a  line  failed  it  was  to  be 
recruited  entirely  from  the  privileged  classes. 

"3.  Under  these  were  tenants,  or  small  proprietors,  who  held 
ten  acres  each  at  a  rent.  These  men  had  in  no  case  right  of  appeal 
from  their  lord's  decisions  ;  they  could  not  remove  without  a 
licence  ;  and  '  the  children  of  leetmen  shall  be  leetmen,  and  so  to 
all  generations.' 

"  4.  Below  there  these  were  negro  slaves,  over  whom  every 
freeman  had  the  power  of  Ufe  and  death. 

"  The  executive  powers  were  vested,  as  divided  above,  in 
'The  Eight.'  The  judicial  system  consisted  of  seven  courts,  in 
each  of  which  one  of  the  eight  presided.  Of  the  other  magis- 
trates, who  were  called  Counsellors,  two-thirds  were  appointed 
by  the  proprietors  and  nobles.  Trial  by  jury  was  practically 
aboUshed.  One  court  controlled  the  press,  another  ruled  fashions 
and  sport. 

"  The  Legislature  consisted  of  a  Grand  Council  of  fifty ;  of 
whom  fourteen  nominally  represented  the  people,  but  they  were 
chosen  for  life.  Freeholders  who  held  fifty  acres  had  a  vote  ;  but 
members  of  the  Council  must  not  possess  less  than  five  hundred. 

"  The  Church  of  England  was  maintained  by  the  State,  but 
there  was,  of  course,  in  the  handiwork  of  the  adviser  of  the 
Declaration  of  Indulgence  and  the  author  of  the  Essay  on  Toler- 
ation, to  be  no  religious  persecution. 

"  I  do  not  know  and  cannot  guess,  which  part  of  this  Consti- 
tution broke  dowm  first ;  it  is  now  brought  by  the  antiquary  from 
under  the  dust  of  two  centuries  as  a  curious  proof  that  the  most 
enlightened  exponents  of  the  Revolution  dare  not  give  full 
citizenship  to  the  mass  of  the  nation.  By  the  side  of  this  master- 
piece of  the  seventeenth  century,  we  can  forgive  the  quarrels  of 
Penn's  democracy," 


Clarkson  relates  an  anecdote  greatly  to  Locke's 
credit.  Sir  Isaac  Newton,  Locke,  Penn,  and  others 
were  in  company,  and  the  conversation  turned  upon 
the  comparative  excellence  of  the  new  American 
Governments,  especially  Carolina  and  Pennsylvania. 
The  matter  was  argued  at  length  in  the  presence  of  the 
two  legislators,  and  Locke  ingenuously  yielded  the  palm 
to  Penn.  I  consider  this  a  triumph  of  the  philosophic 

William  Penn's  wife  and  children  were  to 
be  left  at  Worminghurst,  till  a  safe  home  could  be 
found  for  them  in  the  west.  For  Guli's  health  was 
not  strong.  She  had  had  six  children,  of  whom  three 
survived,  the  eldest  seven  years  old.*  We  have  few  words 
of  Guli  Penn's  left  to  us.  She  was  not  a  writer,  perhaps 
not  a  preacher.  She  was  a  lovely  and  devoted  wife,  and 
found  her  work  at  home.  The  hours  and  habits  at 
Worminghurst  were  those  of  people  whose  life  was  in 
religion  and  in  service.  In  summer  they  rose  at  five, 
in  winter  at  seven,  in  spring  and  autumn  at  six  :  a  real 
daylight-saving  arrangement.  They  had  breakfast  at 
nine,  dinner  at  twelve,  supper  at  seven  and  to  bed  at  ten. 
They  assembled  with  the  servants  for  worship  in  the 
morning;  and  at  eleven,  to  make  a  recess  in  the  work 
of  the  forenoon  they  met  again  for  reading  the  Bible  and 
other  religious  books.  At  six  in  the  evening,  they  met 
for  evening  worship.  Truly,  these  people  were  in  earnest. 
After  supper  the  servants  reported  on  what  they  had  done, 
and  received  orders  for  the  next  day.  "  Loud  discourse 
and  troublesome  noise  "  were  very  properly  forbidden. 
All  quarrels  were  to  be  made  up  before  bed  time.f 

By  the  autumn  the  Governor  was  ready  to  go  to  his 
Province.  He  intended  finally  to  settle  there,  and  it 
would  have  been  greatly  to  his  happiness  and  the  colony's 
if  that  could  have  been  carried  out.     But  such  a  voyage 

*  Howard  M.  Jenkins,  "  Family  of  William  Penn,"  p.  56. 
■f  Clarkson. 


was  encompassed  with  dangers.  He  was  going  unarmed 
among  savages,  in  a  wild  unknown  country,  exposed  to 
the  risks  of  disease,  hardship  or  shipwreck.  Men  in  those 
days  composed  their  affairs  before  such  a  voyage,  from 
which  return  was  uncertain.  His  family  he  might 
never  see  again.  He  wrote  them,  out  of  the  fulness  of  his 
heart,  this  paternal  epistle.  It  is  self-revealing  and  of 
high  biographical  value. 

"  My  Dear  Wife  and  Children  : — My  love,  which  neither  sea 
nor  land,  nor  death  itself,  can  extinguish  or  lessen  towards  you, 
most  endearedly  visits  you  with  eternal  embraces,  and  will  abide 
with  you  for  ever  ;  and  may  the  God  of  my  life  watch  over  you  and 
bless  you,  and  do  you  good  in  this  world  and  for  ever  ! — Some 
things  are  upon  my  spirit  to  leave  with  you  in  your  respective 
capacities,  as  I  am  to  one  a  husband,  and  to  the  rest  a  father, 
if  I  should  never  see  you  more  in  this  world. 

"  My  dear  wife  !  remember  thou  wast  the  love  of  my  youth, 
and  much  the  joy  of  my  life  ;  the  most  beloved,  as  well  as  the  most 
worthy  of  all  my  earthly  comforts  :  and  the  reason  of  that  love 
was  more  thy  inward  than  thy  outward  excellencies,  which  yet 
were  many.  God  knows,  and  thou  knowest  it,  I  can  say  it  was  a 
match  of  Providence's  making  ;  and  God's  image  in  us  both  was 
the  first  thing,  and  the  most  amiable  and  engaging  ornament 
in  our  eyes.  Now  I  am  to  leave  thee,  and  that  without  knowing 
whether  I  shall  ever  see  thee  more  in  this  world,  take  my  counsel 
into  thy  bosom,  and  let  it  dwell  with  thee  in  my  stead  while  thou 

"  First  :  Let  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  a  zeal  and  love  to  his 
glory,  dwell  richly  in  thy  heart ;  and  thou  wilt  watch  for  good 
over  thyself  and  thy  dear  children  and  family,  that  no  rude,  hght, 
or  bad  thing  be  committed  :  else  God  will  be  offended,  and  he  will 
repent  himself  of  the  good  he  intends  thee  and  thine. 

"  Secondly  :  Be  dihgent  in  meetings  for  worship  and  business  ; 
stir  up  thyself  and  others  therein  ;  it  is  thy  duty  and  place  ;  and 
let  meetings  be  kept  once  a  day  in  the  family  to  wait  upon  the 
Lord,  who  has  given  us  much  time  for  ourselves  :  and,  my  dearest, 
to  make  thy  family  matters  easy  to  thee,  divide  thy  time,  and  be 
regular  :  it  is  easy  and  sweet  :  thy  retirement  will  afford  thee  to 
do  it ;   as  in  the  morning  to  view  the  business  of  the  house,  and 



fix  it  as  thou  desirest,  seeing  all  be  in  order  ;  that  by  thy  counsel 
all  may  move,  and  to  thee  render  an  account  every  evening.  The 
time  for  work,  for  walking,  for  meals,  may  be  certain,  at  least  as 
near  as  may  be  :  and  grieve  not  thyself  with  careless  servants  ; 
they  will  disorder  thee  ;  rather  pay  them,  and  let  them  go,  if  they 
will  not  be  better  by  admonition  :  this  is  best  to  avoid  many 
words,  which  I  know  wound  the  soul  and  offend  the  Lord. 

"  Thirdly  :  Cast  up  thy  income,  and  see  what  it  daily  amounts 
to  :  by  which  thou  mayest  be  sure  to  have  it  in  thy  sight  and 
power  to  keep  within  compass  :  and  I  beseech  thee  to  live  low 
and  sparingly,  till  my  debts  are  paid  ;  and  then  enlarge  as  thou 
seest  it  convenient.  Remember  thy  mother's  example,  when  thy 
father's  pubhc-spiritedness  had  worsted  his  estate  (which  is  my 
case).  I  know  thou  lovest  plain  things,  and  art  averse  to  the 
pomps  of  the  world — a  nobility  natural  to  thee.  I  write,  not  as 
doubtful,  but  to  quicken  thee,  for  my  sake,  to  be  more  vigilant 
herein  ;  knowing  that  God  will  bless  thy  care,  and  thy  poor 
children  and  thee  for  it.  My  mind  is  wrapt  up  in  a  saying  of 
thy  father's,  '  I  desire  not  riches,  but  to  owe  nothing  ' ;  and  truly 
that  is  wealth,  and  more  than  enough  to  live  is  a  snare  attended 
%vith  many  sorrows.  I  need  not  bid  thee  be  humble,  for  thou  art 
so  ;  nor  meek  and  patient,  for  it  is  much  of  thy  natural  dis- 
position :  but  I  pray  thee  be  often  in  retirement  with  the  Lord, 
and  guard  against  encroaching  friendships.  Keep  them  at  arms'- 
end  ;  for  it  is  giving  away  our  power — ay,  and  self  too,  into  the 
possession  of  another  ;  and  that  which  might  seem  engaging  in 
the  beginning,  may  prove  a  yoke  and  burden  too  hard  and  heavy 
in  the  end.  Wherefore  keep  dominion  over  thyself,  and  let  thy 
children,  good  meetings,  and  Friends,  be  the  pleasure  of  thy  life. 

"  Fourthly  :  And  now  my  dearest,  let  me  recommend  to  thy 
care  my  dear  children  ;  abundantly  beloved  of  me,  as  the  Lord's 
blessings,  and  the  sweet  pledges  of  our  mutual  and  endeared 
affection.  Above  all  things,  endeavour  to  breed  them  up  in  the 
love  of  virtue,  and  that  holy,  plain  way  of  it  which  we  have  lived  in, 
that  the  world  in  no  part  of  it  get  into  my  family.  I  had  rather 
they  were  homely  than  finely  bred  as  to  outward  behaviour  ; 
yet  I  love  sweetness,  mixed  with  gravity,  and  cheerfulness 
tempered  with  sobriety.  Rehgion  in  the  heart  leads  into  this  true 
civihty,  teaching  men  and  women  to  be  mild  and  courteous  in 
their  behaviour — an  accomphshraent  worthy  indeed  of  praise. 


"  Fifthly  ;  next  breed  them  up  in  a  love  one  of  another  : 
tell  them  it  is  the  charge  I  left  behind  me  ;  and  that  is  the  way 
to  have  the  love  and  blessing  of  God  upon  them  ;  also  what  his 
portion  is,  who  hates,  or  calls  his  brother  fool.  Sometimes 
separate  them,  but  not  long ;  and  allow  them  to  send  and  give 
each  other  small  things  to  endear  one  another  with.  Once  more 
I  say,  tell  them  it  was  my  counsel  they  should  be  tender  and 
affectionate  one  to  another.  For  their  learning  be  liberal.  Spare 
no  cost ;  for  by  such  parsimony  all  is  lost  that  is  saved  :  but  let 
it  be  useful  knowledge,  such  as  is  consistent  with  truth  and  god- 
Uness,  not  cherishing  a  vain  conversation  or  idle  mind,  but  inge- 
nuity mixed  with  industry  is  good  for  the  body  and  mind  too.  I 
recommend  the  useful  parts  of  mathematics,  as  building  houses  or 
ships,  measuring,  surveying,  dialling,  navigation  ;  but  agriculture 
is  especially  in  my  eye  :  let  my  children  be  husbandmen  and  house- 
wives ;  it  is  industrious,  healthy,  honest,  and  of  good  example  : 
Uke  Abraham  and  the  holy  ancients,  who  pleased  God,  and 
obtained  a  good  report.  This  leads  to  consider  the  works  of  God 
and  nature,  of  things  that  are  good,  and  diverts  the  mind  from 
being  taken  up  with  the  vain  arts  and  inventions  of  a  luxurious 
world.  It  is  commendable  in  the  princes  of  Germany  and  the 
nobles  of  that  empire  that  they  have  all  their  children  instructed 
in  some  useful  occupation.  Rather  keep  an  ingenious  person  in 
the  house  to  teach  them  than  send  them  to  schools,  too  many 
evil  impressions  being  commonly  received  there.  Be  sure  to 
observe  their  genius,  and  do  not  cross  it  as  to  learning  :  let  them 
not  dwell  too  long  on  one  thing  :  but  let  their  change  be  agree- 
able, and  all  their  diversions  have  some  Uttle  bodily  labour  in  them. 
When  grown  big,  have  most  care  for  them  ;  for  then  there  are 
more  snares  both  within  and  without.  When  marriageable,  see 
that  they  have  worthy  persons  in  their  eye,  of  good  life,  and  good 
fame  for  piety  and  understanding.  I  need  not  wealth,  but 
sufficiency  ;  and  be  sure  their  love  be  dear,  fervent,  and  mutual, 
that  it  may  be  happy  for  them.  I  choose  not  they  should  be 
married  to  earthly,  covetous  kindred  ;  and  of  cities  and  towns 
of  concourse  beware  ;  the  world  is  apt  to  stick  close  to  those  who 
have  Uved  and  got  wealth  there  :  a  country  life  and  estate  I  like 
best  for  my  children.  I  prefer  a  decent  mansion,  of  an  hundred 
pounds  per  annum,  before  ten  thousand  pounds  in  London,  or 
such  hke  place,  in  a  way  of  trade.     In  fine,  my  dear,  endeavour  to 


breed  them  dutiful  to  the  Lord,  and  his  blessed  light,  truth,  and 
grace  in  their  hearts,  who  is  their  Creator,  and  his  fear  will  grow 
up  with  them.  Teach  a  child  (says  the  wise  man)  the  way  thou 
wilt  have  him  to  walk,  and  when  he  is  old  he  will  not  forget  it. 
Next,  obedience  to  thee,  their  dear  mother  ;  and  that  not  for 
wrath,  but  for  conscience  sake ;  liberal  to  the  poor,  pitiful  to 
the  miserable,  humble  and  kind  to  all ;  and  may  my  God  make 
thee  a  blessing,  and  give  thee  comfort  in  our  dear  children  ;  and 
in  age,  gather  thee  to  the  joy  and  blessedness  of  the  just  (where 
no  death  shall  separate  us)  for  ever  ! 

"  And  now,  my  dear  children,  that  are  the  gifts  and  mercies 
of  the  God  of  your  tender  father,  hear  my  counsel,  and  lay  it  up 
in  your  hearts  ;  love  it  more  than  treasure,  and  follow  it,  and  you 
shall  be  blessed  here,  and  happy  hereafter. 

"  In  the  first  place,  remember  your  Creator  in  the  days  of  your 
youth.  It  was  the  glory  of  Israel,  in  the  second  of  Jeremiah  :  and 
how  did  God  bless  Josiah,  because  he  feared  him  in  his  youth  ! 
and  so  he  did  Jacob,  Joseph  and  Moses.  O  my  dear  children, 
remember,  and  fear  and  serve  him  who  made  you,  and  gave  you  to 
me  and  your  dear  mother  ;  that  you  may  grow  like  to  him  and 
glorify  him  in  your  generations  ! 

"  To  do  this,  in  your  youthful  days  seek  after  the  Lord,  that 
you  may  find  him  ;  remembering  his  great  love  in  creating  you  ; 
that  you  are  not  beasts,  plants  or  stones,  but  that  he  has  kept  you, 
and  given  you  his  grace  within,  and  substance  without,  and 
provided  plentifully  for  you.  This  remember  in  your  youth, 
that  you  may  be  kept  from  the  evil  of  the  world  :  for  in  age  it  will 
be  harder  to  overcome  the  temptations  of  it, 

"  Wherefore,  my  dear  children,  eschew  the  appearance  of 
evil,  and  love  and  cleave  to  that  in  your  hearts  which  shows  you 
evil  from  good,  and  tells  you  when  you  do  amiss,  and  reproves  you 
for  it.  It  is  the  light  of  Christ  that  he  has  given  you  for  your 
salvation.  If  you  do  this,  and  follow  my  counsel,  God  will  bless 
you  in  this  world,  and  give  you  an  inheritance  in  that  which  shall 
never  have  an  end.  For  the  hght  of  Jesus  is  of  a  purifying  nature  ; 
it  seasons  those  who  love  it  and  take  heed  to  it ;  and  never  leaves 
such,  till  it  has  brought  them  to  the  city  of  God,  that  has  foun- 
dations. Oh  that  ye  may  be  seasoned  with  the  gracious  nature 
of  it  !  hide  it  in  your  hearts,  and  flee,  my  dear  children,  from  all 
youthful  lusts  ;    the  vain  sports,  pastimes,  and  pleasures  of  the 


world  ;  redeeming  the  time  because  the  days  are  evil ! — You  are 
now  beginning  to  live  !  What  would  some  give  for  your  time. 
Oh  !  I  could  have  lived  better,  were  I,  as  you,  in  the  flower  of 
youth. — Therefore  love  and  fear  the  Lord,  keep  close  to  meetings, 
and  dehght  to  wait  on  the  Lord  God  of  your  father  and  mother, 
among  his  despised  people,  as  we  have  done  ;  and  count  it  your 
honour  to  be  members  of  that  society,  and  heirs  of  that  living 
fellowship  which  is  enjoyed  among  them,  for  the  experience  of 
which  your  father's  soul  blesseth  the  Lord  for  ever. 

"  Next,  be  obedient  to  your  dear  mother,  a  woman  whose 
virtue  and  good  name  is  an  honour  to  you  ;  for  she  hath  been 
exceeded  by  none  in  her  time  for  her  plainness,  integrity,  industry, 
humanity,  virtue,  and  good  understanding — qualities  not  usual 
among  women  of  her  worldly  condition  and  quality.  There- 
fore, honour  and  obey  her,  my  dear  children,  as  your  mother  and 
your  father's  love  and  delight ;  nay,  love  her  too,  for  she  loved 
your  father  with  a  deep  and  upright  love,  choosing  him  before  all 
her  many  suitors :  and  though  she  be  of  a  dehcate  constitution  and 
noble  spirit,  yet  she  descended  to  the  utmost  tenderness  and  care 
for  you,  performing  the  painfulest  acts  of  service  to  you  in  your 
infancy,  as  a  mother  and  a  nurse,  too.  I  charge  you,  before  the 
Lord,  honour  and  obey,  love  and  cherish  your  dear  mother. 

"  Next :  betake  yourself  to  some  honest,  industrious  course  of 
life,  and  that  not  of  sordid  covetousness,  but  for  example  and  to 
avoid  idleness.  And  if  you  change  your  condition  and  marry, 
choose,  with  the  knowledge  and  consent  of  your  mother,  if  hving, 
or  of  guardians,  or  those  that  have  the  charge  of  you.  Mind 
neither  beauty  nor  riches,  but  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  a  sweet 
and  amiable  disposition,  such  as  you  can  love  above  all  this  world, 
and  that  may  make  your  habitations  pleasant  and  desirable 
to  you. 

"  And  being  married,  be  tender,  affectionate,  patient,  and 
meek.  Live  in  the  fear  of  the  Lord,  and  he  will  bless  you  and  your 
offspring.  Be  sure  to  live  within  compass  ;  borrow  not,  neither 
be  beholden  to  any.  Ruin  not  yourselves  by  kindness  to  others  ; 
for  that  exceeds  the  due  bounds  of  friendship,  neither  will  a  true 
friend  expect  it.     Small  matters  I  heed  not. 

"  Let  your  industry  and  parsimony  go  no  further  than  for  a 
suf&ciency  for  life,  and  to  make  a  provision  for  your  children, 
and  that  in  moderation,  if  the  Lord  give  you  any.     I  charge  you  to 


help  the  poor  and  needy  ;  let  the  Lord  have  a  voluntary  share  of 
your  income  for  the  good  of  the  poor,  both  in  our  society  and 
others  ;  for  we  are  all  his  creatures  ;  remembering  that  '  he  that 
giveth  to  the  poor  lendeth  to  the  Lord.' 

"  Know  well  your  in-comings,  and  your  out-goings  may  be 
better  regulated.  Love  not  money  nor  the  world  ;  use  them  only, 
and  they  will  serve  you  ;  but  if  you  love  them  you  serve  them, 
which  will  debase  your  spirits  as  well  as  offend  the  Lord. 

"  Pity  the  distressed,  and  hold  out  a  hand  to  help  them  :  it 
may  be  your  case  ;  and  as  you  mete  to  others  God  will  mete  to 
you  again. 

"  Be  humble  and  gentle  in  your  conversation  ;  of  few  words, 
I  charge  you  ;  but  always  pertinent  when  you  speak,  hearing  out 
before  you  attempt  to  answer,  but  then  speaking  as  if  you  would 
persuade,  not  impose. 

"  Affront  none,  neither  revenge  the  affronts  that  are  done  to 
you  ;  but  forgive,  and  you  shall  be  forgiven  of  your  heavenly 

"  In  making  friends,  consider  well  first ;  and  when  you  are 
fixed  be  true,  not  wavering  by  reports  nor  deserting  in  affliction, 
for  that  becomes  not  the  good  and  virtuous. 

"  Watch  against  anger,  neither  speak  nor  act  in  it ;  for,  hke 
drunkenness,  it  makes  a  man  a  beast,  and  throws  people  into 
desperate  inconveniences. 

"  Avoid  flatterers,  for  they  are  thieves  in  disguise ;  their 
praise  is  costly  ;  designing  to  get  by  those  they  bespeak  ;  they 
are  the  worst  of  creatures  ;  they  lie  to  flatter,  and  flatter  to  cheat  ; 
and,  which  is  worse,  if  you  believe  them  you  cheat  yourself  most 
dangerously.  But  the  virtuous,  though  poor,  love,  cherish,  and 
prefer.  Remember  David,  who,  asking  the  Lord,  '  Who  shall 
abide  in  Thy  tabernacle  ?  who  shall  dwell  upon  thy  holy  hill  ?  ' 
answers,  '  He  that  walketh  uprightly,  worketh  righteousness,  and 
speaketh  the  truth  in  his  heart  ;  in  whose  eye  the  vile  person  is 
contemned,  but  he  honoureth  them  who  fear  the  Lord.' 

"  Next,  my  children,  be  temperate  in  all  things  ;  in  your  diet, 
for  that  is  physic  by  prevention  ;  it  keeps,  nay,  it  makes  people 
healthy,  and  their  generation  sound.  This  is  exclusive  of  the 
spiritual  advantage  it  brings.  Be  also  plain  in  your  apparel ; 
keep  out  that  lust  which  reigns  too  much  over  some  ;  let  your 
virtues  be  your  ornament,  remembering  life  is  more  than  food. 


and  the  body  than  raiment.  Let  your  furniture  be  simple  and 
cheap.  Avoid  pride,  avarice  and  luxury.  Read  my  '  No  Cross, 
No  Crown.'  There  is  instruction.  Make  your  conversation  with 
the  most  eminent  for  wisdom  and  piety,  and  shun  all  wicked  men 
as  you  hope  for  the  blessing  of  God  and  the  comfort  of  your 
father's  living  and  dying  prayers.  Be  sure  you  speak  no  evil  of 
any — no,  not  of  the  meanest ;  much  less  of  your  superiors,  as 
magistrates,  guardians,  tutors,  teachers,  and  elders  in  Christ. 

"  Be  no  busybodies ;  meddle  not  with  other  folks'  matters, 
but  when  in  conscience  and  duty  prest ;  for  it  procures  trouble, 
and  is  ill  manners,  and  very  unseemly  to  wise  men. 

"  In  your  families,  remember  Abraham,  Moses,  and  Joshua, 
their  integrity  to  the  Lord  ;  and  do  as  you  have  them  for  your 

"  Let  the  fear  and  service  of  the  Uving  God  be  encouraged  in 
your  houses,  and  that  plainness,  sobriety,  and  moderation  in  all 
things  as  becometh  God's  chosen  people  ;  and  I  advise  you,  my 
beloved  children,  do  you  counsel  yours,  if  God  should  give  you  any. 
Yea,  I  counsel  and  command  them  as  my  posterity,  that  they  love 
and  serve  the  Lord  God  with  an  upright  heart,  that  he  may  bless 
you  and  yours  from  generation  to  generation. 

"  And  as  for  you  who  are  likely  to  be  concerned  in  the  govern- 
ment of  Pennsylvania  and  my  parts  of  East  Jersey,  especially  the 
first,  I  do  charge  you  before  the  Lord  God  and  his  holy  angels,  that 
you  be  lowly,  diligent  and  tender,  fearing  God,  loving  the  people 
and  hating  covetousness.  Let  justice  have  its  impartial  course, 
and  the  law  free  passage.  Though  to  your  loss,  protect  no  men 
against  it  ;  for  you  are  not  above  the  law,  but  the  law  above  you. 
Live,  therefore,  the  lives  yourselves  you  would  have  the  people 
live,  and  then  you  have  right  and  boldness  to  punish  the  trans- 
gressor. Keep  upon  the  square,  for  God  sees  you  :  therefore 
do  your  duty,  and  be  sure  you  see  with  your  own  eyes,  and  hear 
with  your  own  ears.  Entertain  no  lurchers,  cherish  no  informers 
for  gain  or  revenge  ;  use  no  tricks  ;  fly  to  no  devices  to  support 
or  cover  injustice  ;  but  let  your  hearts  be  upright  before  the  Lord, 
trusting  in  him  above  the  contrivances  of  men,  and  none  shall  be 
able  to  hurt  or  supplant. 

"  Oh  !  the  Lord  is  a  strange  God,  and  he  can  do  whatsoever 
he  pleases  ;  and  though  men  consider  it  not,  it  is  the  Lord  that 
rules  and  overrules  in  the  kingdoms  of  men,  and  he  builds  up  and 


pulls  down.  I,  your  father,  am  the  man  that  can  say,  '  He  that 
trusts  in  the  Lord  shall  not  be  confounded.  But  God,  in  due  time 
will  make  his  enemies  be  at  peace  with  him.' 

"  If  you  thus  behave  yourselves  and  so  become  a  terror  to  evil 
doers  and  a  praise  to  them  that  do  well,  God,  my  God,  will  be  with 
you  in  wisdom  and  a  sound  mind,  and  make  you  blessed  instru- 
ments in  his  hands  for  the  settlement  of  some  of  those  desolate 
parts  of  the  world,  which  my  soul  desireth  above  all  worldly 
honours  and  riches,  both  for  you  that  go  and  you  that  stay  ; 
you  that  govern  and  you  that  are  governed  ;  that  in  the  end  you 
may  be  gathered  with  me  to  the  rest  of  God. 

"  Finally,  my  children,  love  one  another  with  a  true,  endeared 
love,  and  your  dear  relations  on  both  sides,  and  take  care  to 
preserve  tender  affection  in  your  children  to  each  other,  often 
marrying  within  themselves,  so  as  it  be  without  the  bounds 
forbidden  in  God's  laws,  that  so  they  may  not,  like  the  forgetting, 
unnatural  world,  grow  out  of  kindred  and  as  cold  as  strangers ; 
but,  as  becomes  a  truly  natural  and  Christian  stock,  you,  and  yours 
after  you,  may  live  in  the  pure  and  fervent  love  of  God  towards 
one  another,  as  becometh  brethren  in  the  spiritual  and  natural 

"  So,  my  God,  that  hath  blessed  me  with  his  abundant 
mercies,  both  of  this  and  the  other  and  better  life,  be  with  you  all, 
guide  you  by  his  counsel,  bless  you,  and  bring  you  to  his  eternal 
glory  !  that  you  may  shine,  my  dear  children,  in  the  firmament  of 
God's  power  with  the  blessed  spirits  of  the  just — that  celestial 
family — praising  and  admiring  him,  the  God  and  Father  of  it, 
for  ever.  For  there  is  no  God  like  unto  him  ;  the  God  of 
Abraham,  of  Isaac,  and  of  Jacob,  the  God  of  the  Prophets,  the 
Apostles  and  Martyrs  of  Jesus,  in  whom  I  live  for  ever. 

"  So  farewell  to  my  thrice  dearly  beloved  wife  and  children  ! — 
Yours,  as  God  pleaseth,  in  that  which  no  waters  can  quench,  no 
time  forget,  nor  distance  wear  away,  but  remains  for  ever, 

"  William  Penn. 

"  Worminghurst,  fourth  of  sixth  month,  1682." 

He  embarked  at  Deal  in  the  Welcome,  a  vessel  of 
300  tons  burden,  and  carrying  100  colonists,  mostly 
Friends  from  the  south  of  England,  with  all  their  movable 
chattels,  and  after  a  voyage  of  about  two  months  entered 


calm  water  through  the  capes  of  the  Delaware.  This  was 
not  considered  a  bad  voyage;  but  unfortunately  small- 
pox had  been  taken  on  board  at  Deal,  and  in  a  space  too 
confined  for  isolation  or  proper  nursing,  it  ravaged  the 
company,  and  about  thirty  bodies  were  laid  in  the  ocean 
on  that  terrible  voyage.  Penn  was  very  active  in  his 
solicitous  care  of  the  sick,  and  they  held  many  good 
meetings  on  board. 


In   Pennsylvania 


The  years  whose  story  is  told  in  this  chapter  and  the  next 
form  the  climacteric  of  our  hero's  life.  The  two  years 
abroad  must  have  been  to  him  years  of  active  and  hopeful 
labour,  of  release  and  of  triumph.  He  was  still  under 
forty  and  full  of  the  joy  of  hfe.  Hitherto  he  had  always 
fought  uphill.  Principalities  and  powers  had  been  too 
strong,  and  spiritual  wickedness  in  high  places  had  baffled 
him.  Ever  for  Friends  the  gaol  and  its  diseases  and 
deaths,  the  whipping  post  and  stocks,  the  ruinous  fines, 
the  neglected  petitions  to  ParHament,  the  Conventicle 
Acts,  and  the  oath.  Puritanism  had  relied  on  the  sword, 
and  when  that  broke  in  its  hand,  the  Church  took  her 
revenge  for  Marston  Moor  on  the  innocent  but  trouble- 
some Quakers.  But  here  in  the  forest,  breathing  the 
stimulating  ozone  of  the  American  atmosphere,  himself 
actually  owner  and  lawgiver  over  thousands  of  square 
miles  of  habitable  country  nearly  as  large  as  England,  with 
no  established  Church,  no  tradition  of  servility,  with  no 
paupers  and  no  peers,  no  fear  of  Pope  or  Bishop,  sur- 
rounded by  congenial  liberated  Friends,  building  a  city 
of  Brotherly  Love,  beginning  a  new  era  for  mankind — what 
reformer  has  tasted  such  joy  as  this  ? 

The  Welcofne  arrived  before  New  Castle  on  27th 
October,  1682.  This  town  was  on  the  Duke  of 
York's  territories,  the  modern  State  of  Delaware.  Penn 
produced  his  deeds  and  received  from  the  mayor  of  the 


little  settlement  "  turf  and  twig  and  water  and  soil." 
He  renewed  all  the  existing  commissions  and  explained 
the  nature  of  the  free  government  he  was  about  to 
establish.  He  went  on  to  Upland,  only  a  small  village, 
but  the  principal  place  in  the  colony.  He  renamed  it 
Chester;  it  is  now  the  capital  of  Chester  county.  He 
returned  to  New  Castle,  held  a  miniature  "  court"  and 
made  the  people  a  business-like  and  reassuring  speech. 
Thence  up  the  Delaware  to  the  site  of  Philadelphia  he 
went  in  an  open  barge,  surveying  at  leisure  the  forests, 
the  wildfowl,  and  the  beauty  of  the  great  river,  now 
narrowing  from  its  estuary  to  the  width  of  a  mile  at 
Philadelphia.  Four  miles  above  the  mouth  of  the  tribu- 
tary Schuylkill  they  reached  the  site  chosen  for  the  city. 
Here,  too,  there  were  Swedes  and  Dutch  to  welcome  him, 
and  here  doubtless  came  many  Indian  canoes,  full  of  tall 
athletes  in  fur  robes  and  with  waving  feathers,  to  whom 
at  last  an  Englishman  was  bringing  a  steadfast  purpose 
of  alliance  and  peace.  Would  he  be  like  the  friendly 
letters  he  had  written  ?  Did  he  too  refer  to  the  Universal 
Spirit  all  things  that  happened  to  men  ?  Mrs.  Preston, 
a  lady  present  who  lived  to  be  loo  years  old,  told  how 

"  The  Indians,  as  well  as  the  whites,  had  severally  prepared 
the  best  entertainment  the  place  and  circumstances  could  admit. 
William  Penn  made  himself  endeared  to  the  Indians  by  his  marked 
condescension  and  acquiescence  in  their  wishes.  He  walked  with 
them,  sat  with  them  on  the  ground,  and  ate  with  them  of  their 
roasted  acorns  and  hominy.  At  this  they  expressed  their  great 
delight,  and  soon  began  to  show  how  they  could  hop  and  jump  ; 
at  which  exhibition,  William  Penn,  to  cap  the  climax,  sprang  up 
and  beat  them  all !  We  are  not  prepared  to  credit  such  light 
gaiety  in  a  sage  governor  and  religious  chief ;  but  we  have  the 
positive  assertion  of  a  woman  of  truth, who  says  she  saw  it.  There 
may  have  been  very  wise  policy  in  the  measure  as  an  act  of  con- 
ciliation, worth  more  than  a  regiment  of  sharpshooters.  He  was 
then  sufficiently  young  for  any  agility,  and  we  remember  that  one 
of  the  old  journalists  among  the  Friends  incidentally  speaks  of 


him  as  having  naturally  an  excess  of  levity  of  spirit  for  a  grave 

The  plan  of  the  city,  the  model  of  innumerable 
American  cities,  was  a  system  of  uniform  parallel  streets, 
and  another  system,  named  in  a  different  way,  intersected 
them  at  right  angles.  The  parallel  rivers,  Delaware  and 
Schuylkill  ran  north  and  south.  They  were  joined  by  a 
wide  central  avenue  called  High  Street,  running  east  and 
west.  About  midway  this  was  intersected  by  a  north 
and  south  thoroughfare  called  Broad  Street  parallel  to 
the  rivers.  The  streets  parallel  to  it  were  numbered, 
beginning  from  the  Delaware,  Front  Street,  First,  Second, 
Third  Street,  and  so  on — all  numbered  except  Broad 
Street  itself.  Parallel  to  High  Street  the  streets  were 
mostly  named  after  trees  : — but  there  is  Race  Streei,  and 
Arch  Street,  besides  Cherry,  Spruce,  Pine,  Filbert,  Walnut, 
Mulberry,  and  others  of  later  date.  Where  Broad  and 
High  cross  was  the  Central  Square  ;  now  occupied  by  the 
City  Hall,  a  vast  but  not  beautiful  building  with  a  great 
statue  of  William  Penn  on  the  top  of  its  dome.f  In  the 
centre  of  each  of  the  four  quarters  of  the  city  a  square  open 
space  was  and  is  reserved.  Penn  was  induced  to  diminish 
his  city  limits  from  the  earlier  proposal  of  four  miles  each 
way.  They  were  fixed  at  two  miles  across  from  Delaware 
to  Schuylkill,  and  one  mile  frontage  on  each  river.  The 
city  and  suburbs  have  long  outgrown  them,  and  Penn's 
earlier  boundaries  would  now  have  been  a  convenience. 
The  "  green  country  town "  has  not  materialised. 
Philadelphia  is  built  up  closely  as  other  great  cities. 
Not  even  the  Founder  was  strong  enough  to  stand  against 
the  power  of  land  values.  The  open  promenade  by  the 
Delaware  has  also  been  choked  by  riverside  buildings. 
There  was  always  something  very  English  about  the 

About  November  of  this  year  took   place  the  famous 

*  Janney. 
t  Depicted  on  the  cover  of  this  book. 


Treaty  of  friendship  with  the  Indians.  It  was  made  at 
Shackamaxon  (then  Sachamaxing  the  "  place  of  Kings  "), 
under  a  great  elm  tree.  It  was  an  ancient  place  of 
treaties  among  the  red  men,  and  Markham  had  already 
used  it  as  the  place  to  buy  the  land  for  the  Governor's 
mansion,  called  Pennsbury,  some  thirty  miles  up  the  river. 
It  was  therefore  tactfully  selected  by  Penn  for  the  place 
of  the  great  treaty.  It  is  now  in  Kensington,  a  suburb 
of  Philadelphia.  The  old  tree  was  blown  down  in  1810. 
One  of  its  children  has  taken  its  place  and  there  is  also  a 
monument.  The  well  known  picture  by  Benjamin  West 
does  great  wrong  to  William  Penn's  appearance.  He  was 
not  a  stout  old  gentleman,  but  a  man  of  thirty-eight, 
dignified  and  graceful  beyond  most  men.  Mrs.  Preston, 
who  was  there,  called  him  the  handsomest,  liveliest, 
and  best  looking  gentleman  she  had  ever  seen. 

The  half  circle  of  solemnly  seated  Indians,  the  elders 
in  front,  the  young  behind,  women  as  well  as  men,  for 
West  is  right  about  the  tied  up  baby,  Taminent  with  his 
chaplet  and  horn  of  power,  already  an  honoured  friend 
of  the  Governor's,  sitting  in  front  with  his  councillors, 
the  ground  covered  with  the  leaves  of  the  Fall  season, 
the  lofty  branches  above,  the  council  fire  in  the  centre, 
and  in  front  the  broad  river  with  here  and  there  a  log 
house  building  in  the  forest — on  this  impressive  scene 
arrives  WiUiam  Penn  in  his  barge  with  sail  and  oarsmen, 
and  his  leading  associates,  and  begins  his  speech  : 

"  The  Great  Spirit,"  he  says,  "  who  made  me  and  you,  who 
rules  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  and  who  knows  the  innermost 
thoughts  of  men,  knows  that  I  and  my  friends  have  a  hearty 
desire  to  Uve  in  peace  and  friendship  with  you,  and  to  serve  you 
to  the  utmost  of  our  power.  It  is  not  our  custom  to  use  hostile 
weapons  against  our  fellow  creatures,  for  which  reason  we  have 
come  unarmed.  Our  object  is  not  to  do  injury,  and  thus  pro- 
voke the  great  Spirit,  but  to  do  good. 

"  We  are  met  on  the  broad  pathway  of  good  faith  and  good 
will,  so  that  no  advantage  is  to  be  taken  on  either  side,  but  all 


to  be  openness,  brotherhood  and  love."  Here  the  governor  unrolls 
a  parchment  containing  stipulations  for  trade  and  promises  of 
friendship,  which,  by  means  of  an  interpreter,  he  explains  to 
them,  article  by  article,  and  placing  it  on  the  ground,  he  observes 
that  the  ground  shall  be  common  to  both  people.  He  then 
proceeds,  "  I  will  not  do  as  the  Marylanders  did,  that  is,  call  you 
children  or  brothers  only  ;  for  parents  are  apt  to  whip  their 
children  too  severely,  and  brothers  sometimes  will  differ  ;  neither 
will  I  compare  the  friendship  between  us  to  a  chain,  for  the  rain 
may  rust  it,  or  a  tree  may  fall  and  break  it ;  but  I  will  consider 
you  as  the  same  flesh  and  blood  with  tlie  Christians,  and  the  same 
as  if  one  man's  body  were  to  be  divided  into  two  parts." 

Solemnly  the  Indian  orator  replies,  takes  William 
Penn  by  the  hand,  and  accepts  the  proffered  league  of 
goodwill.  The  written  record  of  the  Treaty  is  not  known 
to  survive,  but  it  was  quoted  to  the  same  Indians  by 
Governor  Gordon  in  1728,  in  the  following  form  : 

"  My  friends  and  brethren  : — You  are  sensible  that  the  great 
William  Penn,  the  father  of  this  country,  when  he  first  brought 
the  people  with  him  over  the  broad  seas,  took  all  the  Indians, 
the  old  inhabitants,  by  the  hand,  and  because  he  found  them 
to  be  a  sincere,  honest  people,  he  took  them  to  his  heart,  and 
loved  them  as  his  own.  He  then  made  a  strong  league  and 
chain  of  friendship  with  them,  by  which  it  was  agreed  that  the 
Indians  and  the  English,  wdth  all  the  Christians,  should  be  as 
one  people.  Your  friend  and  father,  Wilham  Penn,  still  re- 
tained a  warm  affection  for  all  the  Indians,  and  strictly  com- 
manded those  whom  he  sent  to  govern  this  people,  to  treat  the 
Indians  as  his  children,  and  continued  in  this  love  for  them 
imtil  his  death."     .     .     . 

"  I  have  now  to  discourse  with  my  brethren  the  Conestogoes, 
Delawares,  Ganawese,  and  Sha\vnese  Indians  upon  the  Susque- 
hanna, and  to  speak  to  them. 

"  My  brethren  : — You  have  been  faithful  to  your  leagues 
with  us,  your  hearts  have  been  clean,  and  you  have  preserved 
the  chain  from  spots  of  rust,  or  if  there  were  any,  you  have 
been  careful  to  wipe  them  away  ;  your  leagues  with  your  father, 
William  Penn,  and  with  his  governors,  are  in  writing  on  record, 
that  our  children  and  our  children's  children  may  have  them 


in  everlasting  remembrance.  And  we  will  that  you  preserve 
the  memory  of  those  things  among  you,  by  telling  them  to 
your  children,  and  they  again  to  the  next  generation,  so  that 
they  remain  stamped  on  your  minds  never  to  be  forgot. 

"  The  chief  heads  or  strongest  links  of  this  chain,  I  find, 
are  these  nine,  viz.  : 

"  ist.  That  all  Wm.  Penn's  people  or  Christians,  and  all 
the  Indians,  should  be  brothers,  as  the  children  of  one  Father, 
joined  together  as  with  one  heart,  one  head  and  one  body.  , 

"  2d.  That  all  paths  should  be  open  and  free  to  both  Chris- 
tians and  Indians. 

"  3d.  That  the  doors  of  the  Christians'  houses  should  be 
open  to  the  Indians,  and  the  houses  of  the  Indians  open  to  the 
Christians,  and  that  they  should  make  each  other  welcome  as 
their  friends. 

"  4th.  That  the  Christians  should  not  believe  any  false 
rumours  or  reports  of  the  Indians,  nor  the  Indians  believe  any 
such  rumours  or  reports  of  Christians,  but  should  first  come  as 
brethren  to  inquire  of  each  other ;  and  that  both  Christians 
and  Indians,  when  they  have  any  such  false  reports  of  their 
brethren,  they  should  bury  them  as  in  a  bottomless  pit. 

"  5th.  That  if  the  Christians  heard  any  ill  news,  that  may 
be  to  the  hurt  of  the  Indians,  or  the  Indians  heard  any  such  ill 
news,  that  may  be  to  the  injury  of  the  Christians,  they  should 
acquaint  each  other  with  it  speedily,  as  true  friends  and  brethren. 

"  6th.  That  the  Indians  should  do  no  manner  of  harm  to  the 
Christians,  nor  to  their  creatures,  nor  the  Christians  do  any  hurt 
to  the  Indians,  but  each  treat  the  other  as  brethren. 

"  7th.  But  as  there  are  mcked  people  in  ail  nations,  if  either 
Indians  or  Christians  should  do  any  harm  to  each  other,  com- 
plaint should  be  made  of  it  by  the  persons  suffering,  that  right 
may  be  done ;  and  when  satisfaction  is  made,  the  injury  or 
wrong  should  be  forgot,  and  be  buried  as  in  a  bottomless  pit. 

"  8th.  That  the  Indians  should  in  all  things  assist  the 
Christians,  and  the  Christians  assist  the  Indians,  against  ail  wicked 
people  that  would  disturb  them. 

"  9th.  And  lastly,  that  both  Christians  and  Indians  should 
acquaint  their  children  with  this  league  and  firm  chain  of  friend- 
ship made  between  them,  and  that  it  should  always  be  made 
stronger  and  stronger,  and  be  kept  bright  and  clean,  without 


rust  or  spot,  between  our  children  and  children's  children,  while 
the  creeks  and  rivers  run,  and  while  the  sun,  moon,  and  stars 

This  Treaty  still  stands  out  from  other  treaties,  because 
it  was  kept.  It  was  the  foundation  of  the  most  successful 
treatment  of  aborigines  that  history  records.  No  drop 
of  Quaker  blood  was  ever  shed  by  an  Indian.  No  breach 
of  the  peace  occurred  for  over  seventy  years,  till  the  war 
party  and  the  church  party  at  home  succeeded  in  dis- 
possessing the  Quaker  government  of  the  colony.  Then 
Indian  wars  began. 

Heckewelder  the  Moravian  missionary,  in  his  history 
of  the  Indian  nacions  says  : 

"  They  frequently  assembled  together  in  the  woods,  in  some 
shady  spot,  as  nearly  as  possible  similar  to  those  where  they  used 
to  meet  their  brother  Miquon*  and  there  lay  all  his  words  and 
speeches,  with  those  of  his  descendants,  on  a  blanket  or  clean 
piece  of  bark,  and  with  great  satisfaction  go  successively  over  the 
whole.  This  practice,  which  I  have  repeatedly  witnessed, 
continued  until  the  year  1780,  when  the  disturbances  which  took 
place  put  an  end  to  it,  probably  for  ever." 

Janney  wrote  in  1850  (p.  219)  : 

"  The  red  man,  unable  to  cope  with  the  grasping,  aspiring 
Anglo-Saxon,  was  driven  from  his  old  hunting  grounds,  and  taking 
his  course  to  the  far  north-west,  he  bade  adieu,  with  an  aching 
heart,  to  the  graves  of  his  fathers.  But  still  he  has  not  forgotten 
the  '  great  treaty,'  and  among  the  scattered  remnants  of  those  once 
powerful  tribes,  now  seated  by  the  clear  lakes  of  Canada,  or 
wandering  on  the  banks  of  the  turbid  Missouri,  the  name  of  the 
great  and  good  Onas  continues  to  be  held  in  grateful  remembrance." 

The  Indian  policy  of  the  Founder  of  Pennsylvania 
was  a  monotonous  triumph  of  Christian  and  humanitarian 
fellowship.  Part  of  the  purpose  of  the  Colony  was  "  to 
reduce  the  savage  nations  by  just  and  gentle  manners 
to  the  love  of  civil  society  and  the  Christian  religion." 

*  The  Delaware  Indians'  name  for  Penn.  The  Iroquois  word  Onas 
was  the  one  generally  used.     They  both  mean  a  quill  or  pen. 


This  was  carried  out  ;    and  met  with  the  friendliest  res- 
ponse.    Unarmed  the  colonists  lived  in  peace  and  friend- 
ship with  the  Five  Nations.     A  company  was  formed  of 
high-minded   men  to  do  the  trade  with  the  Indians,  to 
avoid  selling  them  drink,  and  to  show  them  "  examples 
of  probity  and  candour."     So  long  as  Friends  held  control, 
the  Indians  responded.     In  1721,  the  chief  Indian  speaker 
told  Sir  William   Keith  that    they    would    never    forget 
the   counsel   William   Penn   gave  them,  but  would  care- 
fully hand  it  down  though  they  could  not  write.     Similar 
speeches  were  made  at  Conferences  in  1722,  1742,  1749 
and   1756 — and  later   dates  ;     and   the  link  between  the 
Friends  and  Indians  has  remained  bright  and  clear  to  our 
own  day.     The  daring  idealists  win  all  along  the  line. 
Those    who,    though    with    excellent    intentions,  armed 
themselves  for  security,  on  the  principle  of  getting  peace 
by  preparing  for  war,  such  as  the  men  of  Maryland,  pro- 
duced a  long  story  of  bloodshed  and  chronic    insecurity. 
On  the  other  hand  Benezet,  a  Quaker  schoolmaster  of 
Philadelphia,  tells  us  that  one  body  of  Indians  actually 
adopted  the  Quaker  view  of  war.     There  were,   however, 
practically  no  conversions  to  Christianity. 

The  first  Provincial  Assembly  met  at  Chester  on 
December  4th.  The  members  for  the  lower  counties 
of  the  Delaware  petitioned  for  incorporation  in  Penn- 
sylvania— which  was  granted,  and  all  foreigners  were 
naturalised  at  once.  The  Swedes  recorded  "  that  this 
was  the  best  day  they  ever  saw."  The  Council  was 
reduced  to  eighteen  and  the  Assembly  to  fifty-four,  "  on 
account  of  the  fewness  of  the  inhabitants,  their  inability 
in  estate,  and  unskilfulness  in  matters  of  government." 
The  Assembly  revised  and  extended  and  passed  the 
"  Great  Law,"  hitherto  embodied  in  the  Charter,  and 
separated  after  four  days,  having  made  a  rule  against 
"  superfluous  and  tedious  speeches." 

The  Governor  then  visited  Lord  Baltimore,  but  did  not 
settle  boundaries.     Each  had  excellent  evidence  for  his 


case,  Baltimore  his  charter,  Penn  the  King's  instructions. 
Unluckily  they  clashed.  This  was  nothing  unusual 
The  charters  of  both  the  Carolinas  included  the  city  of 
New  York,  and  Connecticut  extended  to  the  Pacific 
Ocean.*  Another  trouble  was  that  when  Lord  Baltimore 
got  his  charter  in  1632  a  degree  was  counted  sixty  miles, 
whereas  it  was  now  found  to  be  seventy  ;  so  that  Mary- 
land's two  degrees  encroached  on  Pennsylvania  by  that 
much  more  than  was  intended  at  first. t 

By  the  end  of  1682,  twenty-three  ships  full  of  immi- 
grants had  sailed  up  the  Delaware,  carrying  about  2,000 
people  to  Philadelphia.  The  early  settlers  were  nearly  all 
Friends,  from  all  parts  of  England  ;  but  from  Wales  came 
pretty  nearly  all  the  Quakerism  there  was  in  the  princi- 
pality, then  severely  persecuted.  Welsh  names  and  some 
Celtic  excitability  prevailed  among  Philadelphia  Friends 
for  many  generations.  The  persecuted  sects  on  the  Rhine, 
who  knew  William  Penn's  character  from  his  visits  to 
Holland  and  Germany,  formed  a  company  and  sent  Francis 
Daniel  Pastorius  to  select  for  them  a  solid  block  of 
15,000  acres.  This  is  now  Germantown,  a  distant 
northern  suburb  of  Philadelphia.  They  formed  a  stalwart 
and  valuable  clement  in  the  population.  In  times  of 
trouble  with  the  Government  or  with  the  later  generations 
of  the  Penn  family.  Friends  could  always  rely  upon  the 
support  of  the  Germans.  The  immigrants  sheltered  in 
dug-outs  on  the  river  bank  while  the  houses  were  being 
built.  By  the  summer  of  1683  Penn  wrote  to  Henry 
Sidney  that  eighty  houses  were  built  in  the  city,  and  300 
farms  settled  in  the  neighbourhood.  Fifty  ships  had 
arrived  by  that  time,  and  4,000  immigrants.  There 
was  no  hardship  to  speak  of,  as  in  the  early  days  of 
Massachusetts.  The  early  letters  are  full  of  accounts 
of     abundance    and   exhilaration.      The     settlers     came 

♦  Hepworth  Dixon,  "  Historical  Biography,"  p.  244n. 
I  Proud's  "  History  of  Pennsylvania,  "  i.  268. 


well  provided.  A  mill  was  brought  over  in  parts,  and 
many  frame  houses.  William  Penn  brought  the  wood 
carvings  and  panelling  for  his  manor  house  at  Pennsbury. 
The  Indians  readily  sold  the  fruits  of  their  hunting,  and 
were  eagerly  friendly.  We  must  not  think  of  the  great 
modern  state  of  Pennsylvania  as  the  sphere  of  the 
activities  of  the  early  founders.  It  was  only  a  small 
piece  at  the  south  eastern  corner  of  the  State,  thirty  or 
forty  miles  up  the  Delaware  from  the  capital,  and  as  much 
westward.  Here  are  Bucks  County  and  Chester  County, 
settled  thick  with  Quaker  farms,  with  large  Meeting 
Houses  every  five  or  six  miles. 

The  land  was  generally  bought  from  the  Indians  by 
the  measure  of  what  a  man  could  walk  in  a  day.  About 
twenty  miles  was  intended.  The  Governor  did  some 
of  these  walks  with  the  Indians  himself. 

The  Assembly  and  the  Council  met  again  in  January 
at  Philadelphia  ;  and  decided  on  a  new  Charter  with  the 
consent  of  the  Governor.  It  included  a  few  amendments, 
and  deprived  the  Governor  of  his  threefold  vote.  The 
Assembly  granted  the  governor  for  his  services  and 
expenses  a  tax  on  certain  imports  and  exports.  He 
declined  it  for  the  present  as  the  colony  was  poor.  In 
after  days  he  had  reason  to  regret  this  generosity. 
Three  arbitrators  were  chosen  by  each  county  court  to 
prevent  lawsuits  ;  and  an  orphans'  court  was  held  in  each 
county  twice  a  year,  to  protect  the  interests  of  widows 
and  orphans.  Penn  describes  everything  done  in  the 
Assembly  as  rapid  and  harmonious.  Belief  in  witches  was 
one  of  the  curses  of  New  England.  But  the  only  trial  for 
witchcraft  which  ever  arose  in  Pennsylvania  occurred  in 
1683.  It  was  due  to  the  Swedes.  But  a  jury  happily 
dismissed  it.  Witchcraft  and  Quakerism  do  not  belong  to 
the  same  kind  of  universe. 

In  August  William  Penn  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the 
Society  of  Free  Traders  in  London  giving  the  fullest 
description  we  have  of  the  colony  at  this  time.     It  is  too 


long  to  quote  in  a  book  of  this  size  ;  but  is  a  happy  des- 
criptive composition.* 

But  these  years  of  happy  triumph  and  hopeful  con- 
struction were,  like  most  of  our  experiences,  flecked  by 
causes  of  anxiety.  One  Friend  wrote  to  him  that  his 
station  and  power  were  inconsistent  with  Christian 
simplicity  and  humility. f  His  enemies  in  England  put  it 
about  that  he  was  dead,  and  had  died  a  Jesuit.  Other 
matters  of  the  Province  caused  him  to  have  to  write 
letters  to  his  influential  friends  in  England  asking 
very  courteously  for  their  support — to  the  Duke  of 
York,  the  Earl  of  Rochester,  and  Henry  Sidney.  It  was 
the  Baltimore  boundary  question  that  was  the  centre 
of  these  anxieties.  Besides  the  confessedly  difficult 
question  about  the  fortieth  parallel  of  latitude,  Baltimore 
made  an  entirely  unsound  claim  to  the  whole  of  the 
Delaware  Territories,  which  Penn  had  bought  from  the 
Duke  of  York  and  which  constituted  three  out  of  his  six 
settled  counties.  Such  a  claim  included  the  whole  of  the 
Delaware  shore  from  Philadelphia  to  Cape  Henlopen. 
This  would  have  cut  off  his.  colony  from  free  access  to 
the  ocean.  It  was  quite  untenable  and  must  be  resisted. 
But  Lord  Baltimore  sent  an  armed  force  into  the 
Delaware  Territories,  quite  near  to  New  Castle,  which 
entrenched  a  camp,  tried  to  levy  rents,  and  threatened  to 
shoot  anyone  who  tried  to  expel  them.  Happily  the 
patience  of  the  Quaker  Government  was  equal  to  the 
occasion,  and  caused  them  for  the  moment  to  carry 
resistance  no  further  than  a  magisterial  deputation  and 
remonstrance.  The  matter  had  perforce  to  be  referred 
to  the  British  Government.  Baltimore  stele  a  march  by 
going  quietly  off  to  England  in  March,  1684  ;  audit  was 
clear  that  William  Penn  must  go  too.  There  were 
domestic  reasons,  also  ;  for  Guli  was  not  strong,  and  they 
had  been  separated  two  years.     The  cause  of  liberty  at 

♦  See  "  Collected  Works,"  II.,  699  ;  Janney,  p.  238  ;   Proud,  i.  26. 
\  Besse,  p.  124  ;   Janney,  p.  224. 


home  seemed  lost.  Algernon  Sidney  and  Lord  William 
Russell  had  perished  on  the  scaffold,  and  the  sufferings 
of  Friends  continued  unabated.     He  must  go. 

This  was  the  greatest  disaster  that  had  fallen  on  the 
colony.  It  now  included  about  7,000  white  people. 
Under  his  influence  peace  reigned  and  general  goodwill. 
But  his  absence  was  unhappily  prolonged,  unexpectedly 
and  unavoidably,  for  fifteen  years,  years  not  without 
quarrelling  and  friction  in  the  City  of  Brotherly  Love. 
He  left  Thomas  Lloyd  behind  him  as  President  of  the 
Council  and  Colonel  Markham  as  Secretary. 

From  the  vessel  he  wrote  a  letter  to  those  left  behind 
in  authority,  to  be  read  also  in  Friends'  Meetings.  It 
may  seem  a  different  voice  from  that  of  the  practical 
surveyor  and  administrator,  the  importer  of  vines  and 
weavers.  But  to  understand  the  power  behind  all  these 
practical  measures,  it  is  necessary  to  understand  such 
letters  as  this.  Once  more,  as  indeed  is  usual,  the  mystic 
and  the  practical  man  are  one  and  the  same  : 

"  I  have  been  with  you,  cared  over  you,  and  served  you  with 
unfeigned  love ;  and  you  are  beloved  of  me,  and  near  to  me 
beyond  utterance.  I  bless  you  in  the  name  and  power  of  the 
Lord,  and  may  God  bless  you  with  his  righteousness,  peace  and 
plenty,  all  the  land  over !  O  that  you  would  eye  Him  in  all, 
through  all,  and  above  all  the  labour  of  your  hands,  and  let  it  be 
your  first  care  how  you  may  glorify  him  in  your  undertakings  ; 
for  to  a  blessed  end  are  you  brought  hither ;  and  if  you  see  and 
keep  but  in  the  sense  of  that  providence,  your  coming,  staying, 
and  improving  will  be  sanctified  :  but  if  any  forget  Him,  and  call 
not  upon  His  name  in  truth.  He  will  pour  out  His  plagues  upon 
them,  and  they  shall  know  who  it  is  that  judgeth  the  children 
of  men. 

"  O,  you  are  now  come  to  a  quiet  land  ;  provoke  not  the  Lord 
to  trouble  it  !  And  now  that  liberty  and  authority  are  with  you 
and  in  your  hands,  let  the  government  be  upon  His  shoulders  in 
all  your  spirits,  that  you  may  rule  for  Him  under  whom  the  princes 
of  this  world  will  one  day  esteem  it  their  honour  to  govern  and 
serve  in  their  places 


"  And  thou,  Philadelphia,  the  virgin  settlement  of  this 
province,  named  before  thou  wert  bom,  what  love,  what  care, 
what  service,  and  what  travail  has  there  been  to  bring  thee  forth 
and  preserve  thee  from  such  as  would  abuse  and  defile  thee  ! 

"  My  love  to  thee  has  been  great,  and  the  remembrance  of  thee 
affects  mine  heart  and  mine  eye.  The  God  of  eternal  strength 
keep  and  preserve  thee  to  his  glory  and  thy  peace  !  " 




It  appeared  that  for  William  Penn  it  was  not  enough  to 
be  scholar  and  saint,  author  and  preacher,  sufferer  in 
prison,  an  explorer  of  the  soul  and  one  of  the  fathers  of  a 
new  religious  movement,  a  political  leader  and  the 
founder  and  lawgiver  of  a  colony  where  all  things  were  to 
be  made  new,  but  now  he  found  himself  called  by  circum- 
stances to  be  a  courtier  as  well.  This  is  not  usually  a  term 
of  honour,  and  it  would,  if  left  unexplained,  appear  to 
throw  some  suspicion  of  dimness  on  any  saint's  aureole. 
But,  in  fact,  the  position  he  occupied  at  the  Court  of 
James  II.  was  in  harmony  with  the  rest  of  his  unusual 
career.  He  was  the  good,  often  ineffectual,  angel  of  the 
King,  and  he  was  able  to  bring  relief  to  many  sufferers. 
That  was  his  task.  Had  James  finally  been  guided  by 
him,  instead  of  by  Father  Petre,  his  Jesuit  Confessor,  he 
might  have  died  a  king  in  London,  and  Britain  would 
have  been  spared  the  wars  of  William  against  Louis  XIV. 
and  the  National  Debt. 

The  spirit  in  which  he  began,  his  underlying  impulses, 
and  his  first  attempts  at  the  work  of  intercession  which  was 
to  be  his  business  for  four  turbulent  and  exciting  years, 
are  well  given  in  the  following  extracts  from  a  fragment 
of  autobiography  called  "  An  Apology  for  Himself,"  first 
pubHshed  from  a  MS.  in  Philadelphia  by  the  Historical 
Society  there  in  1836  : 

"  I  arrived  from  America  the  6th  of  October,  '84,  at  Wonder, 
in  Sussex,  being  within  seven  miles  of  my  own  house  ;   whence 



after  some  days  of  refreshment,  I  went  to  wait  upon  the  king  and 
duke,  then  both  at  New  Market,  who  received  me  very  graciously, 
as  did  the  ministers  very  civilly.  Yet  I  found  things  in  general 
with  another  face  than  I  left  them  :  sour  and  stem,  and  resolved 
to  hold  the  reins  of  power  with  a  stiffer  hand  than  heretofore, 
especially  over  those  that  were  observed  to  be  state  or  church 
dissenters,  conceiving  that  the  opposition  which  made  the  govern- 
ment uneasy,  came  from  that  sort  of  people,  and,  therefore,  they 
should  either  bow  or  break. 

"  This  made  it  hard  for  me,  a  professed  dissenter,  to  turn 
myself — for  that  party  having  been  my  acquaintance,  my 
inclination  and  my  interest  too,  to  shift  them  I  would  not,  to 
serve  them  I  saw  I  could  not,  and  to  keep  fair  with  a  displeased 
and  resolved  government,  that  had  weathered  its  point  upon 
them,  humbled  and  mortified  them,  and  was  daily  improving  all 
advantages  against  them,  was  a  difficult  task  to  perform. 

"  Finding  myself  narrowed  in  this  manner,  that  one  day  I  was 
received  well  at  court  as  proprietor  and  governor  of  a  province  of 
the  crown,  and  the  next  taken  up  at  a  meeting  by  Hilton  and 
CoUingwood,  and  the  third  smoakt(?)  and  informed  of  for  meeting 
with  the  men  of  the  whig  stamp  ;  after  informing  myself  of  the 
state  of  things,  I  cast  about  in  mind  what  way  I  might  be  helpful 
to  the  public,  and  as  little  hurtful  to  my  concerns  as  I  could, 
for  I  had  then  a  cause  depending  about  bounds  of  land  in 
America  with  the  Lord  Baltimore,  before  the  council,  that  was 
of  importance  to  me. 

"  Upon  the  whole  matter  I  found  no  point  so  plain,  so  honest, 
so  sensible,  that  carried  such  weight,  conviction,  and  compassion 
with  it,  and  that  would  consequently  find  an  easier  reception  and 
more  friends,  than  liberty  of  conscience,  my  old  post  and  province. 
I  therefore  sought  out  some  bleeding  cases,  which  was  not  hard  to 
do,  Bristol,  Norwich,  etc.,  being  ready  at  hand  in  bloody  letters, 
barbarities  never  used  certainly  in  a  Protestant  country — 
especially  at  Bristol.  The  relations  are  in  print.  But  finding 
them  uneasy  under  generals,  as  too  much  to  grant  at  once,  I 
began  with  a  particular  case.  It  was  that  of  Richard  Vickris, 
an  honest,  sober,  and  sensible  man,  of  good  reputation  and  estate 
in  that  city.  He  was  under  sentence  of  death  upon  the  statute 
of  the  35th  of  Queen  Ehzabeth,  for  not  abjuring  the  realm  as 
Dr.  Cheny  did,  that  was  under  sentence.     His  crime  only  worship- 


ping  of  God  his  own  way,  but  could  not  abjure  because  he  could  not 
swear  at  all.  The  heat  had  been  great  in  that  city,  and  an 
example  they  would  make,  and  chose  these  two  men  as  eminent 
in  their  persuasion,  and  as  having  something  to  lose.  But  the 
thing  looked  so  like  a  snare,  the  fruit  of  private  malice  and  avarice, 
and  the  said  R.  Vickris,  being  a  meek  and  quiet  person,  upon  my 
assuring  them  he  was,  and  would  live  peaceably  under  the 
government,  the  duke  promised  to  press  the  king  in  his  favour, 
who  grew  harsh  and  very  tender  to  be  spoken  to  upon  that  head, 
though  for  the  very  Papists  in  the  new  case  of  the  long  writ  set 
a-foot  about  that  time.  And  the  duke  was  as  good  as  his  word. 
He  was  pardoned. 

"  That  my  design  might  succeed  the  better  with  the  king, 
it  came  into  my  mind  to  write  something  of  the  true  interest  of 
the  king  and  kingdom,  have  it  transcribed  fair,  and  present  it  in 
manuscript,  the  times  being  too  set  (?)  and  rough  for  print.  In 
this  I  undertook  to  show  that  since  it  was  so,  that  this  kingdom 
was  divided  into  such  great  bodies,  opposite  to  each  other,  and 
near  an  equality  in  strength  and  value,  all  things  considered, 
though  not  perhaps  in  number,  and  that  nothing  would  serve 
either  party  but  the  ruin  of  the  other,  and  that  it  was  too  great  a 
loss  to  his  crown  to  gratify  either  so  far,  he  was  not  to  suffer  his 
authority  to  humour  their  passions,  but  overrule  both  with 
justice,  wisdom,  and  goodness  ;  that  he  might  be  king,  and  have 
the  benefit  of  his  whole  people. 

"  Adding,  that  he  might  be  easy  if  the  uneasy  are  made  so, 
and  not  sooner — and  that  the  revenue  was  not  as  in  old  time,  upon 
tenures  and  in  lands,  but  upon  trade,  which  lay  much  in  the  hands 
of  the  party  he  was  angry  with  ;  however,  that  it  would  discourage 
and  confound  trade  to  be  sure,  if  he  changed  the  course  of  his 
government,  and  therefore  to  look  upon  past  things  as  a  king, 
and  not  as  a  man,  without  passion,  and  not  suffer  his  own  resent- 
ment or  his  minister's  flatteries,  interests,  or  revenges  to  carry  him 
further  than  was  good  for  his  interest.  And  that  upon  the  trial 
of  a  true  liberty  of  conscience,  he  would  find  [it]  more  the  advan- 
tage of  the  crown  than  any  private  man  or  particular  party. "     .     . 

The  friendship  of  James  with  Admiral  Penn  and  his 
accepted  guardianship  of  the  interests  of  his  friend's  son 
had  developed  into  a  strong  personal  liking  for  and  a 


special  relationship  of  reliance  upon  the  advice  of  the  son. 
It  must  have  been  a  fresh  and  restoring  tonic  to  the  mind 
of  a  King  surrounded  by  insincerity  and  self-seeking,  to 
have  one  friend  who  wanted  nothing  for  himself,  had 
nothing  to  gain  and  nothing  to  fear  ;  one  whose  con- 
versation was  witty  as  well  as  wise,  and  his  judgments 
based  always  on  realities.  James  Stuart  and  William 
Penn  were  both  religious  men,  and  both  had  reason  to 
desire  religious  toleration,  from  opposite  poles  of  faith. 
William  Penn  was,  in  certain  matters,  the  most  powerful 
man  at  the  Court,  or  the  most  powerful  in  England,  dur- 
ing the  first  two  years  of  the  reign  of  James  II.  His  power 
was,  however,  wholly  due  to  his  single-mindedness.  It  is 
always  so  in  human  affairs.  Dare  we  say  that  it  would  be 
so  in  the  intercourse  of  nations,  if  there  were  a  nation  with 
a  purpose  as  single  as  that  of  the  Quaker  courtier  ?  We 
may  justly  have  a  low  opinion  of  the  character  of  Emperors 
and  Chancellors  when  they  are  acting  in  their  public 
capacity  ;  but  they  could  hardly  be  greater  rogues  than 
Sunderland  or  more  dangerous  than  the  King's  Jesuit 
advisers.  These  men  were,  of  course,  Penn's  opponents. 
He  was  all  against  monarchical  tyranny  and  clerical 
tyranny.  But  they  could  not  destroy  him,  in  his  armour 
of  innocence. 

So,  day  by  day,  he  was  at  the  Court  engaged  in  obtain- 
ing somebody's  pardon,  or  some  exile's  return,  or  working 
in  a  more  general  way  for  the  annulling  of  the  Penal  laws 
on  religion.  His  first  concern  was  for  Friends  ;  but  his 
charities  were  not  confined  to  them.  He  was  the  channel 
of  clemency  and  restoration  to  all  the  oppressed.  He 
therefore  became  a  most  busy  man,  largely  sought  after. 

As  many  as  two  hundred  visitors  would  be  found 
waiting  at  his  door  when  he  rose  in  the  morning,*  each 
anxious  that  the  terrible  maiming  of  life  produced  by 
years  of  imprisonment  might  be  ended  for  husband  or  son. 
All  the  time  Penn  was  anxious  to  be  back  in  Philadelphia, 

•  Lawton's  Account. 


where  he  was  sorely  needed,  longing  for  the  peace  of  the 
far-off  place  in  the  forest,  where  came  not  Popes  nor 
Kings,  Dukes  nor  Bishops.  But  King  James  begged  him 
to  stay  at  his  side,  and  day  by  day  he  released  Friends 
as  fast  as  they  were  convicted.  Penn  could  not  go.  He 
believed  the  King  to  be  sincerely  devoted  to  liberty  of 
conscience,  though  equally  devoted  to  Passive  Obedience. 

Before  entering  upon  details  of  the  work  of  release, 
we  may  say  what  happened  in  the  matter  of  the  Maryland 
boundary,  which  chiefly  had  brought  him  to  England. 

The  case  was  delayed  by  the  death  of  Charles  II., 
by  the  coronation,  the  general  election,  the  meeting  of 
Parliament  and  by  Monmouth's  Rebellion.  But  finally 
it  was  brought  before  a  full  sitting  of  the  Lords  of  Trade 
and  Plantations,  including  the  King,  his  son-in-law 
Prince  George  of  Denmark,  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
and  the  chief  ministers  of  the  Crown.  Penn's  proof  that 
the  Delaware  Territories  were  settled  by  the  Dutch  before 
the  date  of  the  Maryland  patent,  and  so  were  not  lands 
"  hactenus  inculta  "  at  that  time,  was  clear.  The  King 
therefore  drew  a  line  north  and  south  along  the  peninsula 
between  Delaware  Bay  and  Chesapeake  Bay,  gave  Balti- 
more the  western  half  on  the  Chesapeake  (since  known 
as  the  Eastern  shore  of  Maryland)  and  gave  the  Delaware 
half,  with  its  Dutch  and  Swedes,  to  the  crown.  This  was 
with  the  intention  of  giving  it  back  to  Penn,  to  whom  the 
Crown  had  assigned  it,  and  who  continued  in  undisturbed 
possession.  But  that  versatile  rogue  Sunderland  could 
never  be  induced  to  have  the  requisite  documents 
formally  signed.  From  which  note  future  trouble. 
The  question  of  the  boundary  running  east  and  west  on 
the  fortieth  parallel  was  again  left  miserably  undeter- 
mined by  the  Lords  of  Plantations.  The  dispute 
wrangled  on  ;  and  the  line  was  not  finally  fixed  till  1762, 
when  two  mathematically  educated  surveyors,  Mason  and 
Dixon,  were  sent  from  England  to  determine  it.  They 
made  the  famous  "  Mason  and  Dixon's  line,"  the  boundary 


between  the  slave  States  and  the  free  in  the  great 
emancipation  struggle  of  the  nineteenth  century.  This 
trying  uncertainty  for  eighty  years  shows  how  great  the 
consequences  may  be  of  our  English  lack  of  technical 

The  persecution  in  England  for   conscience   was   far 
worse  than  most  of  us  realise.     William  Penn  says  :* 

"  Shall  I  speak  within  our  own  knowledge,  and  that  without 
offence  ?  There  has  been  ruined  since  the  late  King's  Restor- 
ation, above  fifteen  thousand  families,  and  more  than  five 
thousand  persons  dead  under  bonds  for  matters  of  mere 
conscience  to  God," 

These  figures  ought  to  be  well-informed  ;  but  they  are 
far  in  excess  of  the  numbers  who  died  in  prison  according 
to  the  Quaker  records  of  "  Sufferings,"  still  kept  in 
serried  rows  of  tall  MS,  volumes  in  one  of  the  strong 
rooms  at  Devonshire  House,  the  central  Friends'  Meeting 
House,  in  Bishopsgate,  London.  In  these  volumes  are  given 
367  known  deaths  of  Friends  in  prison  between  1650 
and  1689  ;  almost  entirely  of  course  under  Charles  II. 
But  it  is  universally  agreed  that  the  Quakers  bore  the 
brunt  of  persecution  and  easily  outnumbered  all  the 
other  Nonconformist  sufferers ;  and  the  records  were 
probably  fairly  complete.  The  only  possible  avenue 
of  reconciliation  of  these  figures  that  I  can  suggest  is  that 
the  majority  of  Penn's  5,000  prison  martyrs  were  Catholics 
who  suffered  during  the  three  years  of  the  Popish  Plot 
delusion.     This  is  not  at  all  an  impossible  hypothesis. 

And  what  human  pain  hes  behind  these  figures.  To 
die  in  prison  was  generally  to  die  of  painful  disease  con- 
tracted there,  in  the  filthiest  of  surroundings,  far  from 
home  and  family,  and  to  have  lived  a  failing  and  fading 
out  existence  for  months  or  years. 

William  Penn  spoke  of  the  need  for  relief  at  once  to 
King  James  on  his  accesssion,  but  was  told  that  nothing 

*  "  Good  Advice  to  the  Church  of  England,  Roman  Cathohc,  and 
Protestant  Dissenter,"  1687.     Collected  Works,  ii.  p.  772. 


could  be  done  till  the  coronation,  and  then  only  royal 
pardons.  Complete  liberty  of  conscience  could  only  be 
granted  by  Parliament.  In  fact,  it  was  not  for  a  vear,  till 
March.  1686,  that  the  gaols  were  really  opened,  and 
thirteen  hundred  Friends  were  pardoned  and  came  out 
into  the  light  of  day.  Some  had  been  in  prison  twelve  or 
fifteen  years  ;  and  the  next  Yearly  Meeting  was  a  happy 
time  of  many  reunions  when  Friends  who  had  not  been 
seen  for  many  years  were  once  more  in  attendance.*  No 
more  wholesale  imprisonment  of  Friends  took  place  after 
this  liberation  of  1686.  The  royal  prerogative  of  pardon 
and  the  royal  disfavour  to  persecutions  came  into  play 
to  neutralise  the  evil  laws,  William  Penn,  was  watchfully 
at  hand  to  see  that  they  were  effectual. 

About  this  time  an  unexpected  advocate  of  religious 
toleration  appeared  with  a  book,  entitled  A  Short  Discourse 
on  the  Reasonableness  of  having  a  Religion  or  Worship  of 
God,  by  the  brilliant  Duke  of  Buckingham,  who  added 
to  the  dissolute  amours  and  infidelities  of  his  private  life, 
the  literary  gifts  of  the  author  of  The  Reheat  sal,  and  had 
had  a  share  in  the  government  of  the  Cabal,  whose  middle 
letter  was  the  initial  of  his  name.  This  flighty  and 
irregular  person  had  always,  as  we  saw  on  an  earlier  page, 
been  a  believer  in  liberty  of  conscience.  There  is  no 
reason  why  an  artistic  libertine  should  not  dislike  a 
persecuting  inartistic  parson.  He  had  occasionally  been 
of  use  to  the  Dissenters,  and  now  he  wrote  it  all  out 
seriously.  It  produced  many  jeering  replies,  one  of  which 
accused  the  author  of  letting  "  the  Pennsylvanian  enter 
him  with  his  Quakeristical  doctrine."  William  Penn 
then  joined  in  on  the  Duke's  side,  which  was  his  own,  with 
a  Defence  of  the  Duke  of  Buckingham's  Book. 

There  is  a  sly  allusion  in  the  preface  to  the  character 
of  the  Duke  : — 

"  In  this  evening  of  his  time  I  heartily  wish  him  the  feeling 
of  living  the  irreproveable  Hfe  of  his  admired  instinct,  especially 
♦  Cough's  "  History,"  Book  V.,  ch,  iii.,  Janney,  p.  281. 


since  he  believes  it  is  not  out  of  his  power,  and  that  such  extra- 
ordinary rewards  follow  it.  And  this  will  add  a  Demonstration 
of  his  Probabilities  for  Religion." 

The  author  incidentally  mentions  that  this  reply  took 
him  the  best  part  of  six  days  to  write :  it  consists  in  the 
collected  Works  of  fourteen  large  folio  pages,  or  12,000 
words.  This  gives  some  idea  of  the  rapidity,  the  too  great 
rapidity,  of  the  author's  flowing,  lengthy  and  uncorrected, 
though  vigorous  style.  Early  Quaker  writers  seem  very 
rarely  to  have  cared  whether  their  writings  were  literature 
or  not.  The  book  is  full  of  small  argumentative  hits, 
and  is  not  of  use  now. 

The  great  act  of  release  of  1686  was  immediately 
preceded  by  a  strong  treatise  by  Penn,  A  Persuasive  to 
Moderation  to  Church-Dissenters .  He  is  always  at  his 
best  on  this,  his  great  message  of  toleration  to  opinion. 
The  book  is  full  of  instances  from  history,  ancient, 
mediaeval,  and  contemporary,  showing  how  national 
greatness  accompanied  liberty,  and  national  decadence 
the  stifling  of  opinion.  His  various  treatises  on  this 
subject  make  a  full  seventeenth  century  history  of 
the  cause  of  religious  liberty. 

As  "  general  mediator  for  charity,"  able  to  help  men 
of  all  persuasions,  Penn  must,  even  in  an  atmosphere  of 
anxieties  and  slanders,  have  had  a  continued  fountain  of 
joy  within  him.  One  can  conceive  of  few  happier  des- 
tinies for  a  man  of  goodwill  than  to  have  such  power  to 
translate  his  well-wishing  into  well-doing.  John  Locke, 
the  philosopher  of  Christchurch,  had  been  expelled  from 
Oxford  and  banished  for  being  a  friend  of  Shaftesbury 
when  the  royal  brothers  triumphed  over  the  Whigs  in 
1683.  He  was  abroad  when  the  sentence  of  expulsion 
was  passed  by  the  servile  University,  and  was  still  in 
exile  at  the  Hague,  forging  W^hig  arguments  for  the 
coming  Revolution.  William  Penn  dared  to  plead  for 
him  ;  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  pardon,  even  for  a 
man  so  conspicuous.     But  Locke,  as  though  he  had  been 


George  Fox  himself,  refused  to  receive  a  pardon,  and 
stayed  abroad — though  expressing,  and  in  later  days 
showing,  his  gratitude  to  his  would-be  benefactor. 

The  most  intimate  record  of  William  Penn's  public 
activities  at  this  time  is  in  an  autobiographical  fragment 
by  Charlewood  Lawton,  a  Whig  of  good  standing,  com- 
municated by  Granville  Penn  to  the  Historical  Society 
of  Pennsylvania,  and  published  in  Vol.  Ill,  Part  2,  of 
their  memoirs. 

Janney,  in  accordance  with  his  useful  habit,  prints  it 
in  full  (pp.  299-307) ;  but  we  have  only  room  here  for  a 
brief  sketch  of  certain  passages  in  it.     He  begins  : — 

"  I  had  the  happiness  to  converse  frequently,  and  as  inwardly 
as  if  we  had  been  brothers,  with  Mr.  Penn,  almost  thirty  3^ears 
before  his  death  ;  and  during  all  that  time  I  constantly  discovered 
in  him  an  inexhaustible  spring  of  benevolence  towards  all  his 
fellow  creatures,  without  any  narrow  or  stingy  regard  to  either 
civil  or  religious  parties.  And  yet  this  best-natured  man,  was, 
whilst  living,  daily  persecuted  with  groundless  slanders,  and  since 
his  death  his  good  name  is  not  free  from  malicious  attacks." 

This  was  why  Lawtcn  published  his  memoirs.  Penn  met 
him  in  the  coach  when  going  home  to  Kensington,  and 
evidently  took  greatly  to  the  younger  man,  who  having 
been  concerned  with  Monmouth's  rebellion,  was  in  hiding, 
but  afterwards  resided  near  Windsor.  In  the  summer  of 
1686,  Penn  invited  hi  m  to  dinner,  took  him  in  his  chariot  and 
four  to  Windsor,  where  he  was  busy  over  getting  Mr.  Popple 
(afterwards  secretary  to  the  Committee  on  Trade  and 
Plantations)  out  of  a  serious  trouble  with  the  French 
ambassador.  Popple  invited  Penn  to  dinner,  and  he 
accepted  on  condition  that  he  might  bring  his  young 
friend  with  him.  Lawton  and  Penn  appointed  to  meet 
on  the  Terrace  Walk  at  Windsor  Castle,  when  the  business 
was  over.  Then  Penn  said  :  "  Friend  Lawton,  I  would 
not  have  taken  so  much  pains  to  find  thee  out,  if  I  had 
not  an  inclination  for  thee  :  and  they  say,  I  have  some 
interest  with  the  King,  and  therefore  prithee,  tell  me  how 


Icanemploy  it  for  thy  good."  Lawton  declined  anything 
for  himself,  but  soon  remembered  a  certain  Aaron  Smith, 
who  stood  in  need  of  pardon.  William  Penn,  knowing 
nothing  about  the  man  except  his  need,  undertook  to 
get  it.  Over  the  wine  after  dinner,  William  Penn,  turning 
to  his  host  Mr.  Popple,  recounted  the  above,  and  said  he 
had  never  before  met  with  a  man  who,  asked  to  serve 
himself,  proposed  to  free  another.  He  proceeded  to  press 
La\^^on  to  name  something  for  himself,  who,  finally,  said 
his  life  would  be  prolonged  if  a  certain  Jack  Trenchard, 
a  Whig  exile  in  Holland,  might  come  home  and  drink  a 
bottle  with  him  now  and  then.  Pardons  for  both  those 
obnoxious  rebels  were  in  due  course  obtained.  But  not 
without  difficulty.  At  the  name  of  Aaron  Smith,  James 
flew  into  a  rage,  and  said  that  six  such  men  would  put 
his  three  kingdoms  in  a  flame.  When  Lawton  came  to 
Penn  in  his  garden  at  Holland  House,  Kensington,  with 
Aaron  Smith's  petition,  and  a  letter  to  Penn,  the  latter 
told  Lawton  of  this  disaster,  but  promised  to  try  again 
when  the  King  was  in  a  good  humour  ;  at  the  same  time 
rejecting  the  offered  petition  as  rude.  Smith,  who  was 
just  then  engaged  in  bargaining  with  some  pardon- 
broker  at  the  cost  of  his  whole  property,  was  set  free, 
but  Lawton  says  that  after  the  Revolution,  he  tried  to 
ruin  both  his  benefactors  by  telling  falsehoods  to  Lord 
Romney  (Henry  Sidney).  Later,  in  order  to  make  the 
somewhat  impervious  King  aware  of  Whig  opinion, 
Penn  introduced  Lawton,  Trenchard  and  Justice  Treby, 
to  the  Royal  closet,  to  speak  their  minds  freely  in  private 
to  him  ;  and  warn  him  of  the  dangers  of  the  Dispensing 
Power  and  of  any  attack  on  the  Church. 

With  similar  intent  Penn  got  anonymous  expressions 
of  opinion  from  Lawton  in  writing,  and  showed  them  to 
the  King  when  he  was  travelling  on  his  downward  course 
in  spite  of  all  that  Penn  could  do.  But  James  thought 
he  knew  the  Church  of  England  better  than  his  advisers, 
and  could  trust  it  to  abide  by  its  doctrine  of  Passive 


Obedience.  Lawton  reminded  the  King  that  the  Church 
had  a  doctrine  against  drunkenness  and  common  swear- 
ing, which  vices  nevertheless  the  members  of  it  frequently 
practised.  Afterwards  "  Mr.  Penn  began,  as  he  had  a 
great  talent  that  way,  to  rally  me  very  facetiously  upon 
my  bluntness  ;  and  when  he  had  made  himself  merry  with 
me  as  long  as  he  thought  fit,  he  told  me  the  King  liked  me 
for  my  sincerity,  '  and  I  would  have  thee,'  said  he, 
'  think  of  some  place.  The  King  hath  a  mind  that  thou 
shouldst  be  in  the  commission  of  the  Peace,  and  a  member  of 
the  next  Parliament,  and  a  corporation  will  be  found  where 
some  honest  gentleman  will  bring  thee  in."  Lawton 
desired  no  place,  but  only  to  live  quietly  in  the  country 
on  his  means.  He  would  not  be  a  magistrate,  for  he  was 
struggling  against  the  game  laws  at  Windsor  Forest,  and 
so  would  not  administer  them,  and  he  would  not  be  a 
member  of  a  "  regulated  "  Parliament.  (An  excellent 
man,  this  Lawton).  He  describes  how  he  told  William 
Penn  at  the  time  of  the  first  Declaration  of  Indulgence 
that  he  entirely  disapproved  of  the  Royal  Dispensing  power 
being  used  for  it.  Penn  was  irresponsive,  but  many  years 
afterwards  Lawton  found  that  the  reason  was  that  he  had 
himself  been  against  that  way  of  doing  it.  At  the  same 
time,  the  King's  difficulties  with  the  Parliament  would 
have  been  great,  if  he  had  tried  to  obtain  their  support. 
The  Church  party  made  a  proposal  in  the  House  for 
petitioning  the  King  to  put  in  force  at  once  in  their  full 
severity  all  the  penal  statutes  against  Dissenters,  and 
only  the  King's  urgent  order  to  his  friends  in  the  Commons 
caused  it  to  be  dropped. 

Though  we  may  probably  conclude  from  a  number  of 
incidents  like  this,  in  which  the  King  tried  to  be  fair  to 
all  religions,  that  William  Penn  was  right  in  his  estimate 
of  James's  honest  love  for  freedom  of  conscience,  there  was 
no  doubt  that  his  unconcealed  Catholicism  made  him 
suspect  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign.  It  was  not  safe 
or  prudent,  and  not  reassuring  to  susceptible  Protestant 


nerves,  for  the  King  and  Queen  openly  to  attend  Mass  at 
Whitehall,  whither  of  course  Catholics  crowded.  James 
received  a  Papal  Nuncio  and  knelt  before  him  ;  Francis- 
cans, Cistercians,  and  other  religious  orders  established 
themselves  in  London,  and  the  Jesuits  began  a  school  in 
the  Savoy.  All  this  made  it  easy  to  assume  that  Penn  was 
a  Jesuit  in  disguise.  Jesuits  in  disguise  have  always  been 
a  stock  property  of  the  British  imagination.  Once  asked 
in  a  coach  how  h  was  that  he  was  so  learned  a  man, 
William  Penn  replied  that  he  supposed  it  was  because  he 
was  educated  at  Saumur.  "Educated  at  S.  Omer " 
was  the  form  in  which  it  was  heard  and  repeated  in  all 
the  coffee  houses.  Penn  had  confessed  that  he  was 
educated  at  the  dreaded  Jesuit  college. 

Some  silly  verses,  condoling  the  late  King's  death  and 
congratulating  the  new  one  on  his  accession,  full  of  Popery 
and  servility,  and  a  discredit  to  their  author  both  in  style 
and  in  spirit,  were  circulated  over  the  initials  W.P. 
These  initials  were  well  known  and  had  been  used  by 
Wm.  Penn  on  many  title  pages  ;  and  the  whole  thing 
was  a  fraudulent  attempt  to  discredit  him.  He  wrote 
a  contemptuous  and  humorous  letter  Fiction  Found  Out 
to  disavow  the  authorship.* 

The  ordinary  Englishman  could  not  conceive  of  a  man 
whose  aims  were  so  unusual  and  so  aloof  from  parties  as  those 
of  the  King's  Quaker  friend.  Even  Dr.  Tillotson,  the  best 
of  the  Anglican  clergy,  had  begun  to  have  doubts  ;  and 
the  trifling  occasion  for  them  shows  how  easily  in  a  given 
"  atmosphere  "  impressions  grow  of  themselves.  Some 
years  before  Tillotson  had  said  to  Penn  that  he  had  been 
hearing  reports  that  he  corresponded  with  Jesuits  at 
Rome.  Penn  seemed  astonished,  but  talked  on  the  sub- 
ject generally,  and  went  away  promising  further  talk. 
But  he  did  not  happen  categorically  to  deny  it.  Tillotson 
afterwards  fancied  he  avoided  him.     Soon  after   William 

♦  See  "Collected  Works,"  i.  p.  125;  or,  Janney,  p.  272,  where  it  is 
printed  in  full. 



Penn  went  to  Pennsylvania,  and  thought  no  more  of  the 
incident ;  and  now  Tillotson,  when  questioned,  did  not  feel 
sure  that  the  accusation  might  not  be  true.  When  this 
came,  in  exaggerated  form,  to  William  Penn's  ears,  he 
wrote  at  once  to  right  himself  with  his  old  friend.  A 
correspondence  creditable  to  both  took  place,  at  the  end 
of  which  Tillotson  wrote  in  black  and  white  his  assurance 
that  Penn  was  a  sound  Protestant. 

In  connection  with  Monmouth's  rebellion  in  1685, 
and  the  cruel  Assize  of  Judge  Jeffreys,  there  was  little  for 
Penn  to  do  ;  but  he  did  what  he  could.  He  protested 
against  the  great  and  needless  slaughter  of  the  Bloody 
Assize,  as  we  know  from  the  admission  of  his  enemy 
Burnet.*  He  tried  to  get  twenty  of  the  thousand  poor 
people  who  were  transported  sent  to  Pennsylvania,  where 
their  otherwise  cruel  enslavement  by  the  planters  in  the 
other  colonies  would  be  mitigated.  We  do  not  know 
whether  he  succeeded,  f  At  this  time  occurred  the  exe- 
cution of  Alderman  Henry  Cornish,  a  city  merchant 
who  had  been  accused  of  a  share  in  the  Rye  House  Plot 
two  years  before,  but  against  whom  there  had  been  too 
little  evidence.  A  scoundrel  now  appeared  and  testified 
against  him  ;  and  he  was  gibbeted  in  front  of  his  own  house 
in  Cheapside,  in  spite  of  Penn's  earnest  pleadings  and 
strong  belief  in  his  innocence.  J  Penn  was  present  at  the 
execution  and  was  able  to  tell  the  King  that  Cornish  died 
protesting  his  innocence  ;  and  that  he  was  not  drunk, 
as  was  alleged,  but  only  indignant,  on  the  scaffold.  He 
obtained  the  poor  favour  of  the  return  of  his  scattered 
limbs  to  his  family,  and  the  punishment  of  the  informer. 
He  went  from  Cheapside  to  Tyburn  to  the  execution  of 
Elizabeth  Gaunt,  the  lady  whose  crime  was  sheltering 
a  rebel.     She  was  burnt  to  death  by  Jeffreys,  in  spite  of 

*  "  History  of  His  Own  Times,"  iii.  p.  66  ;   quoted  by  Dixon,  p.  300. 
t  Penn  says,  in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd,  "  I  begged  20  of  the  King.' 
Janney  assumes  that  he  succeeded,  Dixon  that  he  failed. 
J  Dixon,  p.  303. 


all  William  Penn's  efforts  to  save  her.*  It  is  noticeable 
that  he  had  but  little  power  to  stay  the  hand  of  vengeance 
from  the  victims  of  Monmouth's  rebellion.  The  King 
was  justly  alarmed  and  not  open  to  influence.  The  rebels 
had  put  a  price  on  his  head.  And  Penn  was  known  to  be 
a  Whig  himself.  His  name,  in  fact,  appeared  in  the  rebels' 
papers  as  one  who  could  be  trusted  to  bring  over  the 
American  colonies  to  the  attempted  new  Government. 
So  it  could  hardly  be  expected  that  he  could  do  much  in 
the  way  of  mercy  for  them.  His  influence  grew  later. 
It  seems  to  have  reached  its  highest  point  in  his  mission 
to  the  Low  Countries,  as  an  unofficial  ambassador  from 
the  King  to  his  son-in-law  William  of  Orange.  Penn  was 
going  abroad,  to  extend  the  knowledge  of  Pennsylvania 
among  the  persecuted  in  Holland  and  on  the  Rhine,  and 
James  asked  him  to  see  how  far  he  could  induce  William 
to  support  liberty  of  conscience  and  the  repeal  of  the  Test 
Acts  in  England.  In  that  case,  James  offered  to  consult 
him  constantly,  and  to  give  high  offices  to  his  Whig 
friends.  The  fact  was  that  many  of  these  were  al- 
ready in  correspondence — technically  treasonable — with 
William  ;  and  James  wanted  to  make  a  friend,  rather 
than  an  enemy,  of  his  dangerous  son-in-law,  the  champion 
of  Protestant  Europe,  anxious  to  bring  the  power  and 
the  crown  of  England  into  line  against  Louis  XIV.  It 
was  an  epoch-making  embassage.  William  was  willing 
to  stop  persecution  and  allow  liberty  of  conscience ; 
but  he  would  not  agree  to  repeal  the  Test  Acts,  and  so 
make  the  Catholics  and  the  Protestant  Dissenters  full 
citizens.  Burnet,  a  narrow-minded  Churchman,  was  his 
English  adviser  on  church  matters  at  the  Hague,  and  he 
succeeded  in  baffling  the  truer  statesmanship  of  Penn's 
proposal.  No  doubt  William  knew  that  the  English 
Church  party  would  not  stand  it.  His  idea  was  to  play 
for  the  throne  ;  and  William  Penn  came  away  feeling 
that  the  Prince  of  Orange  was  acting  purely  from  policy. 

*Dixon,  p.  303.     I  cannot  trace  the  statement  further  back. 


.  and  had  no  strong  religious  principles.*  With  the  peppery 
Burnet,  Penn  had  many  arguments  on  the  subject  of 
toleration,  and  made  at  this  time  an  enemy  of  the  future 
Bishop.  This  was  in  1686.  After  that  James  seems  to 
have  given  up  hope  of  agreeing  with  the  English  Church 
on  the  lines  of  peace  all  round,  and  to  have  turned  to 
more  extreme  and  disastrous  courses.  He  began  to  use 
his  royal  prerogative  to  put  Catholics  in  power,  and  to 
enter  on  a  fatal  war  with  Anglicanism,  by  methods  so 
tyrannical  that  Protestant  Dissenters  as  a  whole  joined 
their  former  persecutors  against  him.  But  the  Church,  by 
its  insistence  on  the  Test  Acts,  must  bear  its  share  of  the 
blame  of  what  followed. 

We  shall  find  William  Penn  still  by  the  King's  side 
advising  against  one  step  after  another  in  his  rapid  down  • 
ward  course.  But  James  now  listened  to  Father  Petre. 
Great  is  the  power  of  a  Roman  confessor  over  the  enslaved 
mind  of  a  devotee.  Penn  could  not  claim  to  dispose  of 
spiritual  rewards  and  terrors,  and  of  course  he  had  to  speak 
always  as  a  Whig  and  an  extreme  Protestant,  denier  of 
that  which  made  the  religious  furniture  of  the  King's 
mind  and  coloured  the  main  motives  of  his  soul.  It  is 
probable  that  from  this  time  James  may  have  intended  to 
restore  England  to  Rome. 

The  only  public  benefit  that  followed  William  Penn's 
visit  to  the  Hague  was  that  he  was  able  to  obtain  pardon 
and  liberty  to  return  for  many  of  the  English  exiles  who 
had  fled  with  Shaftesbury  at  the  time  of  the  Whig  over- 
throw in  1682  or  1683.  The  King  was  induced  to  offer 
a  general  pardon  to  those  whose  offences  were  purely 
religious  ;  and  one  or  two  individual  political  pardons  were 
obtained  also. 

At  Amsterdam  William  Penn  engaged  William  Sewel 
the  Quaker  historian,  to  translate  his  account  of  Penn- 
sylvania into  Flemish  and  circulate  it.  He  himself 
revisited  the  Rhine  districts  and  told  of  the  success  of 

*  Burnet,  iii.  p.  140, 


Germantown,  and  of  the  new  free  and  prosperous  land 
open  to  them. 

In  March,  1687,  James  issued  his  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  abrogating  the  Test  Acts,  and  all  the  Penal 
Laws,  by  his  own  authority. 

This  act  of  clemency  was  done  by  means  of  the  Royal 
Dispensing  Power.  This  was  an  ancient  prerogative, 
now  out  of  date,  used  by  all  the  Stuarts,  following  Tudor 
example,  but  vehemently  opposed  by  the  Whigs,  and  one 
of  the  burning  questions  in  the  days  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment. James  had  consulted  the  Judges  upon  it,  and, 
with  one  exception,  they  pronounced  that  the  King 
possessed  this  power.  (The  historical  point  is  argued 
very  fully  in  S.  R.  Gardiner's  History  of  the  Reign  of 
James  I).  With  a  King  of  the  narrow,  unperceptive, 
but  direct  mind  of  James  XL,  such  a  judgment  was  as 
unfortunate  as  it  was  cowardly.  Nevertheless,  in  this 
case,  a  great  act  of  justice  was  done,  and  the  King  was 
really  ahead  of  his  Anglican  Parliament,  In  the  address 
of  thanks  which  Friends  presented,  William  Penn  took  care 
to  insert  a  clause  trusting  that  the  sanction  of  Parliament 
would  be  obtained,  and  in  the  royal  closet  he  pressed  it 
earnestly  upon  his  friend  and  sovereign. 

His  anxiety  to  have  the  Indulgence  granted  on  a  con- 
stitutional basis  led  him  to  write  this  year,  anonymously, 
a  book  called  Good  Adiice  to  the  Church  of  England,  Roman 
Catholic  and  Protestant  Dissenters,  from  which  we  have 
already  quoted.  The  advice  was  to  abolish  Penal  Laws 
and  Tests.  Desiring  to  make  his  arguments  acceptable 
to  the  Church,  he  tactfully  quotes  largely  from  King 
Charles  I.  ;  both  authentic  utterances  from  Carisbrooke 
and  extracts  from  Eikon  Basilike,  now  regarded  as  a 
posthumous  forgery.  The  unusual  anonymity  was  pro- 
bably due  to  his  close  connection  with  the  crown.  Under 
his  name  it  would  have  been  regarded  as  an  inspired 
work,  done  at  James's  orders.  But  few  would  fail  to 
recognise  the  easy,  free  and  voluminous  style,    and   the 


wealth  of  historical  allusion  characteristic  of  William  Penn. 
Taking  into  account  all  his  books  on  Toleration,  of 
which  this  was  the  last,  his  practical  advocacy  by 
deed  and  word,  and  his  constructive  work  in  the  found- 
ing of  his  free  colony,  I  am  inclined  to  place  William  Penn 
at  the  head  of  the  noble  army  of  advocates  for  religious 
toleration,  at  any  rate  in  England.  He  identified  himself 
with  it  in  his  Ufe,  and  we  may  safely  identify  the 
triumphant  cause  with  his  name,  after  his  death. 

In  the  summer  of  1687  William  Penn  was  on  a  religious 
journey  through  the  midland  counties,  holding  great 
meetings,  in  crowded  meeting  houses  and  in  the  open  air. 
The  King  was  making  a  progress  at  the  same  time,  and 
they  appear  to  have  met  sometimes.  Penn  writes  "  I  had 
two  meetings  on  First  Day  at  Chester,  in  the  Tennis 
Court,  where  were  about  a  thousand  people,  while  the 
King  was  there." 

At  Oxford,  he  found  James  engaged  in  the  famous 
conflict  with  the  Fellows  of  Magdalen  College.  The  King 
was  endeavouring  to  obtain  the  control  of  certain  colleges 
in  both  Universities  for  Roman  Cathohcs.  He  relied 
upon  the  profession  of  the  Doctrine  of  Passive  Obedience 
which  they  had  recently  made.  He  was  to  find  that  that 
doctrine  held  when  it  was  a  question  of  coercing  Dissenters, 
but  to  be  coerced  in  the  interests  of  Cathohcs  was  a 
different  matter.  The  story  is  familiar  in  English  History. 
James  ordered  the  Fellows  of  this,  the  wealthiest  of  the 
Oxford  Colleges,  to  elect  to  their  vacant  Presidency  a 
Catholic  named  Antony  Farmer.  He  was  not  legally 
qualified  and  was  of  bad  life.  They  petitioned  the  King 
to  name  some  one  else.  Through  some  error,  a  reply  was 
delayed,  and  the  Fellows  chose  Dr.  John  Hough,  a  good 
but  somewhat  narrow-minded  man.  The  ecclesiastical 
commission,  a  body  under  royal  authority,  deposed 
Hough  and  dropped  Farmer.  After  some  weeks  James 
recommended  Parker,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  to  them — a 
prelate  Popishly  inclined.     They  replied  that  they  stood 


by  Hough.  A  scene  with  the  King  at  Bath  took  place, 
which  left  both  sides  very  angry.  At  this  stage  William 
Penn  came  to  Oxford,  and  as  general  peacemaker  he 
interposed  his  services.  He  had  a  long  consultation  with 
the  Fellows,  and  was  convinced  that  they  were  in  the  right. 
At  first  he  had  hoped  some  compromise  might  be  found, 
but  he  told  them  that  they  could  not  give  in,  and  offered 
to  write  this  opinion  to  the  King  at  once.  They  joyfully 
produced  writing  materials,  and  William  Penn  wrote 
to  the  King  urging  him  not  to  try  to  force  the  Fellows 
to  break  their  oaths  or  do  violence  to  their  consciences. 
Penn  had  to  leave  that  day,  and  the  Fellows  delivered  to 
the  King  his  friend's  letter.  But  the  King  was  obdurate. 
After  Penn  had  again  joined  the  Court  circle  at  Windsor, 
Dr.  Hough  and  a  deputation  of  Fellows  came  again  to  see 
him,  and  discussed  the  matter  fully  for  three  hours. 
Penn  said  he  had  already  tried  what  he  could,  but 
the  King's  pride  was  roused.  He  wished  he  had  been  able 
to  come  in  earlier,  before  passion  had  entered.  He  went 
over  all  the  difticulties  again,  and  said  again  that  the 
Fellows  were  right.  He  advised  no  submission,  as  they 
feared  he  might  have  done.  The  Papists,  they  said,  had 
already  got  Christchurch  and  University  College  ;  they 
were  now  after  Magdalen.  Penn  agreed  that  they  should 
never  have  it,  explaining  however  to  Hough  and  his 
Friends  that  Catholics  ought,  hke  other  Englishmen, 
to  have  the  chance  of  a  liberal  education.  This  was  not 
acceptable  to  Hough  and  was  not  pursued.  He  took  a 
further  statement  of  their  case,  and  laid  it  before  the  King. 
But  in  vain.  The  Fellows  were  all  expelled,  for  a  time. 
But  before  long  James  restored  them  to  their  college  and 
their  incomes — his  pride  had  been  satisfied,  and  he  had 
begun  to  be  afraid  of  the  storms  he  had  raised. 

In  April  1688,  James  renewed  the  Declaration  of 
Indulgence,  and  to  make  the  clergy  abate  their  preten- 
sions, and  bite  the  dust,  ordered  them  to  read  it  in  their 
Churches.     The  refusal  of  the  Seven  Bishops  to  do  this, 


and  their  trial  and  acquittal,  were  really  the  beginning 
of  the  Revolution.  The  birth  of  a  son,  afterwards  James 
the  Old  Pretender,  accelerated  the  determination  of  the 
allied  Protestant  bodies  to  offer  the  throne  to  William  of 
Orange.  Penn  had  earnestly  opposed  the  order  to  read 
the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  in  the  Churches.  When  the 
Prince  of  Wales  was  born,  Penn  urged  that  it  should  be 
celebrated  by  the  release  of  the  Bishops  and  a  general 
pardon  for  the  exiles  in  Holland.  It  was  refused.  Then 
came  the  end — the  bloodless  revolution.  The  friendless 
King,  surrounded  by  traitors,  fied  to  France,  and  William 
of  Orange  and  his  wife  ascended  the  throne  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland.  The  days  of  William  Penn  as  a 
courtier  were  over  until  royal  friendliness  was  restored 
when  James's  daughter,  Anne,  became  Queen. 


Hunted  and   Hidden 

If  I  have  caught  anything  of  the  personaHty  of  William 
Penn,  the  sort  of  man  he  was  to  meet  and  live  with,  apart 
from  the  public  achievements  and  high  principles  for 
which  he  stands  with  honour  as  a  character  in  history, 
I  should  say  that  he  was  an  expansive  man,  hearty, 
sociable,  conversational,  and  both  in  speech  and  writing 
more  apt  to  begin  than  to  stop,  a  large-souled,  optimistic 
and  open-hearted  Friend,  accessible  to  appeals,  not  critical 
of  his  fellows,  not  particular  about  money,  and  apt  to  be 
taken  in.  The  centre  of  his  faith  was  the  divine  presence 
in  man,  and  such  large  charity  as  his  does  not  go  with  a 
suspicious  nature.  He  looked  out  upon  the  world  as  a 
friend  to  it,  and  sometimes  he  was  bitten  in  return. 
Further  than  this,  he  had  the  upbringing  of  a  landlord  and 
aristocrat,  not  of  a  man  of  business.  Other  people  acted 
as  his  business  men  while  he  devoted  himself  to  ministerial 
work,  to  much  travelling,  to  the  writing  of  books  and  the 
exertion  of  political  influence  on  behalf  of  liberty  of  con- 
science. He  is  said  to  have  overspent  £3,000  during  the 
reign  of  James  II.  through  his  work  and  place  at  Court.* 
The  original  purchase  of  Pennsylvania  from  the  Indians 
and  the  initial  costs  of  that  great  land  speculation  had 
fallen  upon  his  private  purse  heavily.  In  1705  he  esti- 
mated that  during  the  fifteen  years  between  his  two  visits 
to  Philadelphia,   he  had  spent  £400  a  year  in  London 

*  "Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.  325. 


"  to  hinder  much  mischief  against  us  if  not  to  do  much 

On  the  top  of  all  this  the  Shangarry  estates  became 
unproductive  during  the  Irish  war  which  followed  the 
Revolution.  It  is  rarely  the  lot  of  prophets  to  make 
money,  and  William  Penn  was  no  exception.  The  result, 
unfortunately,  is  that  during  the  period  of  his  life  which 
followed  the  Revolution  he  was  under  severe  financial 
embarrassments,  of  which  we  shall  have  to  relate  the 
sordid  and  undignified  details.  His  life  up  to  1688 
had  been  one  crescendo  of  power,  of  strife,  indeed,  and 
turmoil  and  endless  labour,  but  also  of  victory,  of  noble 
achievement,  of  large  and  expanding  hope.  The  winds  blew 
and  blustered  and  knocked  him  down  now  and  then,  but  the 
sun  shone  all  the  time.  But  at  that  date  the  clouds 
fell,  and  we  have  to  deal  henceforth  with  a  suffering  and 
struggling  man.  Who  shall  say  which  is  the  greater 
destiny  ? 

The  flight  of  King  James  and  the  victory  of  William 
were  followed,  in  the  usual  course  of  such  things,  by  a 
stampede  of  the  friends  of  the  fallen.  Jeffreys  was  caught 
as  a  grimy  sailor  in  an  ale-house  at  Wapping.  Sunder- 
land, in  his  wife's  clothes,  escaped.  These  were,  for  the 
time  at  least,  Catholics  and  tools  of  the  Prerogative.  But 
what  of  the  champion  of  ultra-Protestantism  and  Hberty 
of  conscience,  the  King's  chartered  friend  from  the  camp 
of  his  religious  and  political  opponents  ?  William  Penn, 
instead  of  taking  refuge  in  Pennsylvania  for  a  time,  was 
still  to  be  found  as  usual,  frequenting  Whitehall  daily, 
fearless  because  not  identified  in  power  and  place  with 
either  political  interest.  The  Lords  of  the  Council, 
acting  temporarily  for  William,  bound  him  over  on 
December  loth,  1688,  in  a  ;^6,ooo  bond  to  appear  if  called 
up,  at  the  beginning  of  the  Easter  Term.  More  they  had 
no  ground  for  doing  ;  less  they  dare  not  do  for  fear  of 
the  rising  sun.  Penn  told  them  that  James  was  still  his 
*  "  Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.  325. 


personal  friend,  though  no  longer  his  sovereign.  He  was 
an  alien  in  the  political  world,  after  all.  Informers  and 
low  hangers-on  of  the  dominant  party,  with  an  eye  to  the 
plunder  of  an  estate,  induced  the  Lords  in  Council  to 
issue  a  warrant  for  his  arrest  in  February.  He  refused 
to  come  till  the  time  specified  in  his  bond,  and  wrote  a 
statement  of  his  innocence  to  the  Earl  of  Shrewsbury. 
In  the  Easter  term,  when  he  presented  himself,  the  public 
mind  was  calmer,  no  accuser  appeared,  and  the  judges 
acquitted  him. 

The  object  of  William  in  securing  the  crown  of  England 
had  been  to  draw  in  the  power  of  this  country  to  help  him 
in  his  life-long  struggle  with  Louis  XIV.  of  France.  He 
aimed  at  being  the  head  of  a  coalition  of  Protestant 
countries  to  maintain  the  Balance  of  Power  against  the 
aggressive  Imperialism  of  the  Most  Catholic  King.  This 
war  of  the  Grand  Alliance  began  at  once.  It  affected  our 
story  in  two  ways.  It  involved  Pennsylvania  in  demands 
for  support  against  the  French  in  Canada  ;  and  it  was  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  Toleration  Act,  the  triumph  of 
the  life-work  of  William  Penn  thus  far. 

The  King  wished  for  a  united  people.  He  wished  to 
enlist  in  his  Grand  Alliance  Lutherans  and  Calvinists 
abroad  ;  he  was  to  be  the  champion  of  all  forms  of 
Protestantism,  and  therefore  could  not  persecute  any  at 
home.  He  still  had  the  Anglican  Church  heavily  against 
him  ;  and  the  Toleration  Act  of  1689  was  his  doing,  a 
victory  of  the  King  over  the  Church.  It  was  a  piece  of 
legislation  of  the  usual  inconsequent  British  type.  It 
did  not  proclaim  religious  liberty  as  a  uniform  principle  ; 
it  left  Unitarians  out,  as  an  insignificant  folk  numerically, 
and  as  a  concession  to  orthodoxy.  It  left  Catholics  out, 
being  too  near  to  the  recent  Catholic  attempt  to  capture 
England.  All  it  did  was  to  abrogate  the  penalties  of  the 
Penal  Laws  to  Protestant  Dissenters  who  would  take  the 
oaths  to  the  Government.  A  special  clause  met  the  case 
of  the  non-juring  Quakers.     Dissenters  might  apply  for 


warrants  for  their  places  of  worship,  and  the  magistrates 
were  obHged  to  grant  them,  if  they  agreed  to  worship  with 
open  doors,  and  if  there  was  nothing  unreasonable 
about  the  request.  Thus,  in  a  patchwork  manner,  but 
effectively,  the  end  was  achieved,  and  the  period  of  active 
persecution  was  ended.  Severe  laws  continued  to  be 
passed  against  Catholics,  but  they  were  contrary  to  public 
opinion,  and  very  slightly  carried  out.  The  gaols  were 
no  longer  to  be  bulwarks  of  Anglican  Christianity.  It  is 
to  be  regretted  that  the  Church  was  compelled,  not  per- 
suaded, to  abandon  the  road  of  force  in  order  to  achieve 
the  things  of  the  spirit.  Noncomformists  were  not  yet 
full  citizens  by  any  means.  They  were  to  be  tolerated, 
that  was  all,  as  an  inferior  class.  The  Test  Act  still 
held.  The  Commons  desired  to  repeal  it,  but  the 
Lords  by  a  large  majority  maintained  it,  one  of  the 
many  blessings  the  Peers  have  conferred  upon  their  long- 
suffering  country  !  No  one  but  an  Anglican  could  hold 
any  public  office — sit  on  the  bench — execute  a  legal  trust — 
act  as  guardian  to  a  ward — hold  a  commission  in  the  army 
or  navy — or  have  a  University  education.  Not  till 
Gladstone's  Act  of  1873  completed  the  work  of  William 
Penn,  was  this  last  preposterous  oppression  finally  done 
away  with. 

For  many  years  after  the  Toleration  Act  the  attempt 
of  any  Friend  to  teach  a  school  was  resisted  by  the  clergy 
to  the  utmost  of  their  power.  Nevertheless,  the  first 
period  of  Quakerism,  its  age  of  storm  and  stress  was  over. 
The  Society  had  now  to  meet  the  more  soporific  dangers 
affecting  an  isolated  sect  of  peculiar  manners  and  faith, 
left  quietly  to  itself,  without  much  education,  with  no 
professional  preachers  or  agents,  gathering  up  its  skirts 
more  and  more  carefully  from  the  pollutions  of  an  age  in 
which  the  Church  was  ineffective,  public  morals  lax,  and 
the  evil  effects  of  war  seldom  long  absent. 

But  the  achievement  of  Toleration  did  not  render 
WiUiam  Penn  immune  from  suspicion  and  persecution  by 


the  new  Government.  We  are  apt  greatly  to  overrate 
the  wisdom  of  governing  persons,  till  something  opens  our 
eyes  :  and  the  statesmen  of  the  Revolution  showed  little 
penetration  about  the  nature  of  Penn's  (to  them)  curious 
relation  to  James.  They  might  with  safety  have  let 
him  alone. 

In  the  spring  of  1690  he  was  arrested  by  a  troop  of 
soldiers,  carried  to  the  Council,  and  told  that  the  charge 
was  one  of  treasonable  correspondence  with  James 
Stuart.  He  denied  it  and  appealed  to  the  King  in  person, 
and  the  appeal  was  granted.  He  was  examined  for  two 
hours  in  William's  presence.  The  Government  had  inter- 
cepted a  letter  from  James  addressed  to  William  Penn, 
asking  him  to  go  to  his  assistance,  "  and  to  express  to 
him  the  resentments  of  his  favour  and  benevolence." 
What  did  "  resentments  "  mean  ?  William  Penn  did 
not  know,  but  supposed  James  wanted  him  to  help  in  his 
restoration.*  He  then  drew  the  distinction  between  his 
personal  friendship  for  the  deposed  king,  which  still 
persisted,  and  any  agreement  with  his  politics  or  willing- 
ness to  aid  his  return.  William  had  the  perception  to 
appreciate  and  value  such  loyalty.  He  had  known  Penn 
well  in  the  old  days  at  the  Hague,  and  would  have  set 
him  free.  He  wished  to  stand  well  with  Dissenters. 
But  some  in  the  Council  succeeded  in  getting  him  bound 
over  to  appear  again  in  Trinity  Term.  He  appeared, 
and  was  discharged,  j 

Penn's  friends  were  aware  that  he  was  suspect,  and 
one  of  them,  whose  name  has  not  come  down  to  us,  made 
it  his  business  to  collect  the  letters  written  by  Penn  to  his 
gay  friend  the  Duke  of  Buckingham,  lest  they  should  be 
used  by  some  enemy  against  him.  This  brought  from 
William  Penn  a  grateful  letter,  in  which  he  describes  the 

*  No  doubt  the  French  word  ressentimenls  i.e.  the  "experiences."  It 
would  seem  to  be  a  bad  translation  of  a  kind  message.  I  should  conjec- 
ture that  "  express  "  ought  to  be  "  remind.  " 

I  We  owe  this  narrative  to  Gerard  Creese  entirely. 


relation  between  the  Quaker  and  the  dissolute  Duke. 
"  My  only  business  with  him  ever  was  to  make  his  superior 
quality  and  sense  useful  to  this  Kingdom,  that  he  might 
not  die  under  the  guilt  of  mis-spending  the  greatest 
talents  that  were  among  the  nobility  of  any  country." 
Penn  then  was  Socrates  to  his  Alcibiades. 

Every  interval  of  peace  was  employed  by  William 
Penn  in  preparation  for  returning  to  Pennsylvania,  but 
these  intervals  were  not  long,  and  his  whole  life  at  this 
time  must  have  been  one  of  ceaseless  worry.  The  times 
were  panicky:  William  was  in  Ireland  fighting  the 
campaign  of  the  Boyne.  The  French  fleet  had  defeated 
the  British  and  Dutch,  and  invasion  was  threatened. 
The  Queen's  advisers  ordered  the  arrest  of  eighteen  men 
of  distinction  supposed  to  be  implicated  in  a  plot.  By  the 
usual  wisdom  of  governing  persons,  William  Penn  was 
included  in  this  list.  He  was  lodged  in  prison,  though  far 
from  well,  and  once  more  acquitted  for  want  of  evidence 
by  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  at  Westminster  at  the 
close  of  the  Michaelmas  Term. 

Again  the  eager  preparations  for  a  journey  to  America 
went  forward.  Pennsylvania  was  harassed  by  war 
without  and  faction  within  ;  and  it  was  clear  that  Penn 
was  to  be  the  constant  victim  of  spies  living  on  govern- 
ment suspicion.  The  battle  of  Toleration  had  been  won 
for  that  age,  and  there  seemed  to  be  little  service  for  him 
in  England.  He  engaged  a  vessel  to  carry  him  over  the 
ocean.  The  Government  appointed  him  a  convoy  to 
guard  against  French  privateers,  and  all  was  ready.  Then 
on  30th  January,  1691  (new  style)  came  the  death  of 
George  Fox.  Margaret  Fox  was,  as  usual,  at  Swarthmoor, 
and  William  Penn  had  to  write  the  sad  news  to  her. 

"  I  am  to  be  teller  to  thee  of  sorrowful  tidings,  in  some  respect, 
which  is  this  :  that  thy  dear  husband  and  my  beloved  and  dear 
friend,  finished  his  glorious  testimony  this  night  about  half  an 
hour  after  nine,  being  sensible  to  the  last  breath.  Oh  !  he  is 
gone,  and  has  left  us  in  the  storm  that  is  over  our  heads."     . 


"  He  died,  as  he  lived,  a  Iamb,  minding  the  things  of  God  and  his 
church  to  the  last,  in  an  universal  spirit." 

William  Penn  was  the  chief  speaker  to  the  crowd  at  the 
vast  funeral.  He  estimated  that  2,000  people  were  present. 
He  wrote  to  Thomas  Lloyd  in  Philadelphia  :  "  I  was  never 
more  public  than  that  day.  I  felt  myself  easy."  In  such 
quaint  language  did  our  fore-elders  confide  to  one  another 
that  eloquence  and  power  had  been  theirs  that  day. 
William  Penn  continues  of  George  Fox,  "  He  was  got  to 
his  inn,  before  the  storm  that  is  coming  overtook  him." 
This  is  in  the  same  strain  of  foreboding  as  the  note  he 
wrote  to  Fox's  widow.  We  find  it  again  in  his  Testimony 
to  Robert  Barclay,  who  died  on  October  3rd,  1690,  a  few 
months  before  George  Fox,  at  the  early  age  of  forty-two. 
"  The  overcasting  of  so  many  bright  stars  almost  together, 
and  of  the  first  magnitude  in  our  horizon,  from  our 
bodily  view,  is  not  the  least  symptom  or  token  to  me  of 
an  approaching  storm,  and  perhaps  so  dreadful  that 
we  may  have  fresh  cause  to  think  them  happy  that  are 
delivered  from  the  toils  and  miseries  that  may  ensue." 

The  deaths  of  George  Fox  and  Robert  Barclay  and 
John  Burnyeat,  who  died  in  September,  1690,  within  a 
few  months,  also  of  Robert  Lodges  and  Thomas  Salthouse 
about  the  same  time,  made  the  survivors  feel  stripped 
and  poor.  But  in  fact  no  calamity  did  come.  There  was 
no  more  persecution.  From  a  letter  to  the  Provincial 
Council  of  his  colony,  it  would  appear  that  the  European 
War,  on  a  then  unexampled  scale,  was  the  cause  of  his 
foreboding  of  evil. 

As  the  multitude  separated  after  the  funeral  in  Bunhill 
Fields,  officers  appeared  to  arrest  Penn  for  the  fourth 
time,  but  they  had  mistaken  the  hour  and  missed  their 
quarry.  To  flee  from  England  under  a  charge  of  treason 
and  conspiracy  would  be  folly ;  and  with  grievous 
disappointment  he  sent  the  vessel  with  its  freight  of  new 
colonists  to  Philadelphia,  and  turned  to  his  enemies. 

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An  infamous  rascal  named  William  Fuller  was  the 
informer.  He  lived  by  this  trade.  This  time  he  got 
himself  out  of  prison  by  stating  that  he  knew  of  William 
Penn's  treasonable  correspondence  with  the  Stuarts, 
and  with  the  usual  wisdom  of  governing  persons,  the 
government  had  issued  one  more  warrant  against  him  in 
consequence.  Fuller  was  a  scoundrel  of  the  Gates  type, 
and  just  then  in  high  repute.  He  could,  for  instance,  bear 
witness  against  the  legitimacy  of  James  the  Pretender — 
a  useful  man.  A  few  months  later,  Parliament  pro- 
nounced him  "  a  cheat  and  a  notorious  impostor."  The 
House  demanded  his  prosecution  by  the  Crown,  and  he  was 
put  in  the  pillory.  Ten  years  later  another  libel  caused  him 
to  be  pilloried  at  Charing  Cross  and  Temple  Bar,  where 
he  was  much  beaten  by  the  mob,  and  also  at  the  Royal 
Exchange,  fined  a  thousand  marks  and  sent  to  the  House 
of  Correction.  But  this  is  later  history.  At  the  moment 
it  was  not  safe  for  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  stand 
his  trial  against  him,  nor  safe  to  flee  abroad  from  him. 

So  we  are  told  that  Penn  went  into  retirement  in  a 
private  lodging  in  the  City  of  London  for  nearly  three 
years,  from  the  beginning  of  1691  to  near  the  close  of  1693. 
With  the  discrediting  of  his  accuser  Fuller,  the  King 
ought  to  have  withdrawn  the  warrants  and  liberated  Penn. 
But  there  was  a  reason,  a  characteristically  royal  reason, 
against  this  being  done.  The  King  wished  for  military 
reasons  to  revoke  the  charter  of  Pennsylvania  and  annex 
it  to  the  Crown,  and  he  wished  to  do  this  act  of  robbery 
and  fraud  while  the  proprietor  was  out  of  sight  and 
hearing.  In  March,  1692,  the  deed  was  done.  Penn- 
sylvania was  taken  out  of  its  founder's  hands  and  annexed 
to  New  York,  and  all  the  hopes  for  a  land  of  peace  and 
freedom,  for  which  his  life  and  his  substance  had  been 
poured  out,  were  threatened  with  ruin.  Colonel  Fletcher, 
for  the  sake  of  a  united  front  against  the  French  and  their 
Indians,  was  to  govern  New  England,  New  York,  Penn- 
sylvania, the  Jerseys,  and  Delaware. 



The  informer  Fuller  with  two  other  accompHces  had 
accused  William  Penn  in  Dublin  also  of  conspiracy,  and 
the  Grand  Jury,  on  nothing  that  could  be  called  legal 
evidence,  had  found  a  true  bill.  The  effect  was  to  put 
what  was  left  of  his  Irish  Estates  after  the  devastation  of 
war,  among  estates  of  outlaws,  and  to  confiscate  the  rents, 
though  the  owner  was  unconvicted  of  any  crime.  This 
happened  just  before  the  London  warrants  were  issued 
at  Fuller's  instigation.  Soon  after  going  into  retirement 
Penn  found  it  best  to  write  a  long  General  Epistle  to 
Friends,  which  contains  a  paragraph  of  self  defence. 

"  /  never  accepted  of  any  commission  hut  that  of  a  free  and 
common  solicitor  for  sufferers  of  all  sorts  and  in  all  parties,  which 
made  my  conversation  very  general.  I  thought  that  charity, 
which  gave  me  that  office,  should  know  no  man  after  the  flesh, 
nor  suffer  bounds  to  any  that  needed  it,  nor  do  I  find  in  my  con- 
science that  doing  what  good  one  can  under  any  government  is  a 
sin  or  a  fault,  for  which  a  man  ought  to  be  stigmatized  or  eviUy 
entreated.  I  acknowledge  I  was  an  instrument  to  break  the 
jaws  of  persecution  ;  to  that  end  I  once  took  the  freedom  to 
remember  King  James  of  his  frequent  assurances  in  favour  of 
liberty  of  conscience,  and  with  much  zeal  used  my  small  interest 
with  him  to  gain  that  point  upon  his  ministers  that  he  told  me 
were  against  it.  That  so  the  doors  of  our  prisons  and  meeting- 
houses, until  that  time  cruelly  shut  against  us,  might  be  opened, 
and  the  poor  and  the  widow  and  the  orphan  might  come  forth 
and  praise  God  in  the  use  of  a  just  freedom.  This  and  personal 
good  ofiices  were  my  daily  business  at  Whitehall,  of  which  I  can 
take  the  righteous  God  of  heaven  and  earth  to  witness.  Nor  can 
I  yet  see  that  providence  of  liberty  and  peace  which  we  enjoyed 
under  him,  was  such  a  trick  or  snare  as  some  have  represented  it. 
Harm  is  to  them  that  harm  think  ;  we  sought  but  our  just  and 
Christian  privilege,  and  I  heartily  wish  that  they  that  thought 
so  may  do  better  and  answer  that  great  expectation  that  has  been 
raised  in  the  people's  minds  about  it.  One  thing  I  know — could 
I  have  apprehended  that  the  good  days  we  had  during  his  reign 
were  a  trick  to  introduce  evil  ones,  all  obhgations  would  have 
ceased  with  me,  and  no  man  have  more  earnestly  and  cheerfully 
engaged  after  my  manner  against  his  government  than  myself," 


We  do  not  know  in  what  obscure  alley  among  the 
crowded  lanes  of  old  London  William  Penn  was  concealed. 
We  may  hope  he  was  able  to  take  exercise  when  it  was 
dark  at  any  rate.  His  personal  friends  were  able  to  visit 
him.  He  corresponded  by  some  means  with  Rochester, 
Halifax  and  Henry  Sidney,  now  Lord  Romney.  He 
refused  a  pardon,  and  demanded  a  full  acquittal,  in  the 
letters  that  passed  between  him  and  these  ministers. 
John  Locke,  remembering  Penn's  services  to  him  when 
he  was  in  similar  danger  from  King  James,  offered  to 
procure  him  a  pardon,  but  as  Locke  had  refused  one  in  his 
time,  so  did  Penn  now.  About  six  weeks  after  he  went 
into  retirement  another  warrant  was  issued  against  him 
in  connection  with  the  capture  by  the  Government  of 
three  conspirators  found  concealed  in  the  hold  of  a  vessel 
dropping  down  the  Thames  to  France.  From  a  letter 
from  Penn  to  Romney,  it  appears  that  one  of  these  con- 
spirators had  had,  by  great  importunity,  an  interview 
with  William  Penn  a  few  days  before  the  voyage,  no  doubt 
of  a  thoroughly  innocent  character  on  his  part.  But  it 
gave  just  the  loophole  for  a  suspicious  government  to 
peep  through.  Lord  Preston,  one  of  the  three  men  cap- 
tured, tried  to  save  his  life  by  incriminating  Lord 
Clarendon,  the  Bishop  of  Ely  and  William  Penn.  This 
was  the  origin  of  the  charge.  Preston  was  probably  the 
interviewer  above  mentioned.  Penn  was  everywhere 
unpopular,  and  so  defenceless  against  attack.  Except 
Dr.  Tillotson,  he  had  few  staunch  friends  among 
men  in  power.  All  evil  stories  were  current 
about  him.  Jesuit,  traitor,  Jacobite  plotter,  were 
epithets  freely  used.  The  hierarchy  of  the  English 
Church  were  having  their  revenge  on  the  champion 
of  liberty.  Dissenters  doubted  him  for  his  friendship 
with  James,  and  even  some  Friends  caught  the  infection. 
He  writes  of  "  the  clamours  that  have  almost  darkened 
the  air  against  me."  To  the  Yearly  Meeting  of  1691  he 
therefore  wrote  the  following  letter : 


"  3d  mo.  30th,  1691. 
"  My  Beloved,  Dear  and  Honoured  Brethren  : — My 
unchangeable  love  salutes  you,  and  though  I  am  absent  from  you, 
I  feel  the  sweet  and  lovely  life  of  your  heavenly  fellowship,  by 
which  I  am  with  you,  and  a  partaker  amongst  you,  whom  I  have 
loved  above  my  chief  est  joy.  Receive  no  evil  surmisings  :  neither 
suffer  hard  thoughts,  through  the  insinuations  of  any,  to  enter 
your  mind  against  me,  your  afflicted,  but  not  forsaken  friend  and 
brother.  My  enemies  are  yours,  and,  in  the  ground  mine  for  your 
sakes ;  and  that  God  seeth  in  secret,  and  will  one  day  reward 
openly.  My  privacy  is  not  because  men  have  sworn  truly,  but 
falsely,  against  me  ;  '  for  wicked  men  have  laid  in  wait  for  me,  and 
false  witnesses  have  laid  to  my  charge  things  that  I  knew  not ';  who 
have  never  sought  myself,  but  the  good  of  all,  through  great 
exercises  :  and  have  done  some  good,  and  would  have  done  more, 
and  hurt  no  man  ;  but  always  desired  that  truth  and  righteous- 
ness, mercy  and  peace,  might  take  place  amongst  us.  Feel  me 
near  you,  my  dear  and  beloved  brethren,  and  leave  me  not, 
neither  forsake,  but  wrestle  with  Him  that  is  able  to  prevail 
against  the  cruel  desires  of  some ;  but  we  may  yet  meet  in  the 
congregations  of  His  people,  as  in  days  past,  to  our  mutual 
comfort.  The  everlasting  God  of  His  chosen,  in  all  generations, 
be  in  the  midst  of  you,  and  crown  your  most  solemn  assemblies 
with  His  blessed  presence,  that  His  tender,  meek,  lowly  and 
heavenly  love  and  life  may  flow  among  you,  and  that  He  would 
please  to  make  it  a  seasoning  and  fruitful  opportunity  to  you, 
desiring  to  be  remembered  of  you  before  Him,  in  the  nearest 
and  freshest  accesses,  who  cannot  forget  you,  in  the  nearest 

"  Your  faithful  friend  and  brother, 

"  William  Penn." 

It  is  interesting  to  compare  this  letter  with  a  form  of 
words  suggested  to  him  later  at  the  end  of  1693,  by 
Thomas  Lower,  a  leading  and  much  valued  Friend,  who 
had  married  one  of  Margaret  Fox's  daughters,  and  had 
been  the  constant  companion  of  George  Fox,  and  the 
amanuensis  to  whom  he  dictated  the  "  Great  Journall  " 
in  Worcester  Gaol.  A  number  of  Friends — their 
successors  are  still  with  us — thought  that  William  Penn 


had  meddled  too  much  with  politics,  more  than  became 
a  member  of  a  Christian  body.  These  criticisms  always 
mature  against  a  man  when  he  is  down.  Thomas  Lower 
writes  : 

"  Underwritten  is  what  was  upon  my  mind  to  offer,  and  which 
I  have  since  offered  to  William  Penn  as  an  expedient  for  a  recon- 
ciliation between  him  and  Friends. 

"  First,  for  Wilham  Penn  to  write  a  tender,  reconciling 
epistle  to  all  Friends  as  in  the  love  and  wisdom  of  God  it  shall  be 
opened  unto  him,  and  in  the  closure  thereof  to  insert  as  followeth, 
or  to  the  following  effect :  '  And  if  in  any  things  during  these  late 
revolutions  I  have  concerned  myself  either  by  words  or  writings 
(in  love,  pity  or  goodwill  to  any  in  distress,)  further  than  consisted 
with  Truth's  honour  or  the  Church's  peace,  I  am  sorry  for  it ; 
and  the  Government  having  passed  it  by,  I  desire  it  may  be  by 
you  also,  that  so  we  may  all  be  kept  and  preserved  in  the  holy 
tie  and  bond  of  love  and  peace.     .     .     .'  " 

One  is  glad  that  William  Penn  did  not  see  his  way  to 
any  such  expression  of  regret  for  one  of  the  great  and 
dangerous  tasks  of  his  life. 

To  this  painful  semi-confinement,  with  its  restless 
longing  to  be  in  sunny  Philadelphia,  where  things  were 
going  so  badly,  to  the  loss  of  the  great  experiment  and  the 
weakening  of  his  standing  with  Friends,  to  the  visibly 
failing  health  of  his  wife,  and  to  the  constant  growl  of  his 
unpopularity,  was  added  the  creeping  advance  of  poverty. 
He  bad  spent  of  his  own,  from  first  to  last,  £120,000  on 
Pennsylvania,  so  he  told  Popple  in  1688.  He  told  Thomas 
Lloyd  in  1691  that  the  delay  in  his  departure  to  Phila- 
delphia had  cost  him  "  £20,000  in  the  country  and 
£10,000  here."  Whilst  these  figures  do  not  afford  data 
for  a  company  balance  sheet,  it  is  clear  that  he  was  in 
great  financial  straits  on  account  of  the  colony.  His 
Irish  estates  were  unremunerative  or  the  rents  confis- 
cated, and  we  are  approaching  the  exposure  of  the  Fords, 
his  fraudulent  agents.  Such  was  the  piled-up  trouble  and 
tragedy  of  these  years. 


Authorship   in   SoHtude. 


The  books  written  during  seclusion  are  among  the  best, 
as  they  are  the  freshest  of  Penn's  writings.  First  of  all 
he  was  called  on  in  169 1  to  write  a  preface  to  the  collected 
works  of  Robert  Barclay.  The  preface  runs  to  fifty-two 
pages;  it  is  unsigned,  but  is  known  to  be  his.  Indeed, 
it  is  in  his  unmistakable  style.  It  contains  a  quaint 
paragraph  about  Barclay's  "  Apology  "  (p.  xxxi.). 

"  The  method  and  style  of  the  book  may  be  somewhat  singular, 
and  like  a  scholar ;  for  we  make  that  sort  of  learning  no  part  of 
our  divine  science.  But  that  was  not  to  show  himself,  but  out 
of  his  tenderness  to  scholars,  and  as  far  as  the  simplicity  and 
purity  of  the  truth  would  permit,  in  condescension  to  their  edu- 
cation and  way  of  treating  of  those  points  herein  handled,  observ- 
ing the  Apostle's  example  of  becoming  all  unto  all." 

Thus  did  one  Quaker  scholar,  in  full  reaction  against 
scholastic  theology,  apologise  for  another,  on  account  of 
the  great  treatise  which  raised  Quakerism  from  being 
a  formless  enthusiasm  to  be  a  philosophy,  a  worthy  reply 
to  Calvin  and  to  Rome. 

Penn  was  also  asked  to  write  a  preface  to  the 
works  of  John  Burnyeat.  It  was  a  slighter  task  and  only 
runs  to  four  pages.  It  too,  is  anonymous.  It  is  clear 
that  the  early  Friend  publishers  had  not  reached  the 
modern  plan  by  which  a  modest  author  magnifies  his 
work  in  the  public  mind  by  asking  a  distinguished  man 



to  write  and  put  his  name  to  a  preface.  John  Burnyeat's 
birthplace,  Crabtreebeck,  still  stands,  in  some  decay,  by 
the  side  of  the  lovely  road  by  Loweswater  in  Cumberland. 
From  it  he  travelled  far  away  to  Ireland  and  to  America. 
Penn  describes  him  as  "  one  of  the  most  eminent  of  the 
second  stock  of  ministers  the  Lord  anointed  and  sent 
forth  in  this  his  glorious  day."  And  he  had  the  adventures 
which  commonly  befel  such — both  in  the  impassable  bogs 
of  Maryland,  and  among  the  armies  in  Ireland  after  the 

William  Penn's  next  work  was  a  tract  intended  to  heal 
a  breach  which  had  occurred  and  had  even  led  to  separa- 
tion. Some  Friends  had  objected  to  the  existence  of 
separate  women's  meetings,  held  concurrently  with  men's, 
and  particularly  to  the  consent  of  women's  meetings 
being  necessary  before  a  marriage  could  be  celebrated. 
This  was  held  to  be  an  infringement  of  liberty,  too  great 
an  imposition  of  authority,  and  a  door  to  formalism. 
William  Penn  was  easily  able  to  show  that  these  curious 
fears  were  groundless  ;  and  that  women's  meetings  were 
just  and  natural,  convenient  and  useful.  The  mantle  of 
leadership,  which  ultimately  fell  upon  George  Whitehead, 
the  leading  London  Friend,  seems  here  to  be  donned,  after 
George  Fox's  death,  by  William  Penn.  We  may  hope  his 
loving  and  conciliatory  letter  had  a  healing  effect.  Just 
Measures  was  the  title  of  the  tract  (1692). 

In  June  of  the  same  year  a  Journal  called  the  Athenian 
Mercury  published  three  articles  attacking  Friends ; 
and  William  Penn  wrote  three  replies.  The  paper  seems 
to  have  been  a  sort  of  review,  published  twice  a  week,  and 
to  have  contained  historical  and  scientific  articles.  The 
arguments  were  on  familiar  lines,  centering  round  an 
alleged  depreciation  of  the  Bible.  Penn's  title,  was  The 
New  Athenians  no  Noble  Bereans,  and  he  reproved  the 
editor  for  passing  out  of  the  calm  atmosphere  of  learning 
into  religious  vituperation.  Probably  the  poor  man  felt 
the  need  of  something  sensational  to  keep  up  the  sales. 


Penn's  rather  full  replies  were  not  admitted  in  the 
modern  manner  to  the  paper  itself. 

His  next  work  was  more  important  and  went  through 
twelve  editions  in  the  author's  lifetime,  has  altogether 
run  to  eighteen  editions  in  English,  and  has  been  trans- 
lated into  Dutch,  Danish,  German,  and  Welsh.  It  was 
generally  called  William  Penn's  "  Key."  Its  full  title 
was  :  A  Key  opening  the  Way  to  every  capacity,  how  to 
distinguish  the  Religion  Professed  by  the  People  called 
Quakers  from  the  Perversions,  Misrepresentations  and 
Calumnies  of  their  several  Adversaries.  Published  in 
great  goodwill  to  all,  but  more  especially  for  their  sakes 
that  are  actually  under  Prejudices  from  vulgar  abuses  {1692). 

It  was  published  anonymously,  no  doubt  because  the 
author  was  very  unpopular,  and  was  desirous  of  avoiding 
public  notice  at  the  time.  It  only  runs  to  thirteen  large 
folio  pages,  and  it  was  evidently  useful  as  a  short  standard 
Quaker  handbook  to  give  to  enquirers.  The  perversions 
centre  round  criticisms  from  the  orthodox  side  of  the 
Doctrine  of  the  Light  of  Christ  Within,  because  it  was 
supposed  to  depreciate  the  historical  work  of  Christ  and 
the  Bible,  to  lead  to  overweening  assumptions  of  infalli- 
bility and  perfection,  to  a  denial  of  the  teaching  of 
Scripture  about  the  Sacraments,  and  to  the  denial  of  the 
claims  of  citizenship  in  the  matter  of  oaths  and  of  honour 
to  Kings.  The  doctrine  of  the  Trinity,  a  topographical 
knowledge  of  heaven,  and  proper  respect  for  the  clergy, 
were  also  said  to  be  shockingly  absent  from  the  Quaker 
scheme,  which  showed  also  a  weakness  in  favour  of  good 
works.  Though  most  of  all  this  is  dead  wood  now,  any 
one  who  desires  to  find  these  points  briefly  put  and 
answered  can  find  them  here  more  compendiously  than 
anywhere  else  I  know  of.  The  book  is  reprinted  in 
"  Collected  Works,  "  Vol.  II.,  pp.  778-791.  Three  years 
later  he  issued  a  much  longer  reply  to  an  anonymous 
critic  of  the  "  Key,"  but  it  would  be  uninstructive  to 
follow  in  detail  the  ancient  battle  lines. 


Of  a  totally  different  nature  were  two  other  books 
written  during  this  time  of  hiding.  They  are  the  most 
alive  to-day  of  all  his  many  books,  and  deservedly 

One  of  these  is  An  Essay  towards  the  Present  and 
Future  Peace  of  Europe,  by  the  Establishment  of  an 
European  Dyet,  Parliament,  or  Estates.  This  belongs  to 
the  class  of  proposals  with  which  in  the  fulness  of  time, 
the  air  is  now  alive  ;  it  has  recently  been  reprinted  in 
Everyman's  Library,  with  other  works  of  Penn's.*  It  is 
worthy  to  rank  with  the  proposals  of  Henry  IV,  of  France, 
Saint  Simon  and  Emmanuel  Kant.  We  shall  remember 
that  it  was  written  in  1693,  when  Europe  was  suffering 
from  a  war  of  alliances,  as  now.  The  author  offers  it  in  a 
very  modest  preface,  hoping  that,  even  if  it  be  a  poor  and 
bungling  effort,  it  may  be  at  least  neither  chimerical 
nor  injurious. 

The  thesis  is  argued  in  quite  the  modern  way.  As 
individuals  become  members  of  States  and  substitute  law 
for  force,  so  should  the  Sovereign  Princes  of  Europe  come 
under  an  international  assembly,  and  meet  yearly  or 
once  in  two  or  three  years  at  farthest,  as  a  sovereign 
imperial  state  of  Europe,  to  adjust  differences  that  diplo- 
macy has  failed  to  settle,  "  and  if  any  of  the  sovereignties 
that  constitute  these  imperial  states  shall  refuse  to  submit 
their  claim  or  pretensions  to  them,  or  to  abide  and 
perform  the  judgment  thereof,  and  seek  their  remedy  by 
arms,  or  delay  their  compliance  beyond  the  time  pre- 
fixed in  their  resolutions,  all  the  other  sovereignties, 
united  as  one  strength,  shall  compel  the  submission  and 
performance  of  the  sentence,  with  damages  to  the  suffer- 
ing party,  and  charges  to  the  sovereignties  that  obliged 
their  submission." 

He  would  have  voting  power  in  proportion  to  the 
value  of  the  country,  not  its  revenue  nor  exactly    its 

*  Extracts  from  it  may  also  be  had  in  pamphlet  form.  (Headley 
Brothers,  2d.) 


population.     He  suggests  the  following  proportions,   as 
a  rough  guess.     They  are  not  uninteresting  to-day. 

"  I  suppose  the  Empire  of  Germany  to  send  twelve  ;  France, 
ten  ;  Spain,  ten  ;  Italy,  which  comes  to  France,  eight ;  England, 
six ;  Portugal,  three ;  Sweedland,  four ;  Denmark,  three ; 
Poland,  four  ;  Venice,  three  ;  the  Seven  Provinces  {i.e.,  Holland), 
four  ;  the  thirteen  Cantons  and  httle  neighbouring  sovereignties, 
two  ;  Dukedoms  of  Holstein  and  Courland,  one  ;  and  if  the  Turks 
and  Muscovites  are  taken  in,  as  seems  but  fit  and  just,  they  wiU 
make  ten  apiece  more.    The  whole  makes  ninety." 

The  doubtful  status  of  Russia,  and  the  relative  small- 
ness  of  the  British  Empire  in  those  days,  are  conspicuous 
in  contrast  with  ours. 

"  To  avoid  quarrel  for  precedency,  the  room  may  be  round, 
and  have  divers  doors  to  come  in  and  go  out  at,  to  prevent 
exceptions  {i.e.,  causes  of  taking  exception).  If  the  whole  number 
be  cast  into  tens,  each  choosing  one,  they  may  preside  by  turns,  to 
whom  all  speeches  should  be  addressed,  and  who  should  collect 
the  sense  of  the  debates  and  state  the  question  for  a  vote,  which 
in  my  opinion  should  be  by  the  Ballot,  after  the  precedent  and 
commendable  method  of  the  Venetians  ;  which  in  a  great  degree 
prevents  the  ill  effects  of  corruption. 

"  It  seems  to  me  that  nothing  in  this  imperial  Parliament 
should  pass  but  by  three  quarters  of  the  whole,  at  least  seven 
above  the  balance  {i.e.,  by  not  less  than  seven  above  forty-five, 
or  fifty-two  votes).  I  am  sure  it  helps  to  prevent  treachery, 
because  if  money  ever  could  be  a  temptation  in  such  a  court,  it 
would  cost  a  great  deal  of  money  to  weigh  down  the  wrong  scale. 

"  Journals  should  be  kept  by  a  proper  person,  in  a  trunk  or 
chest,  which  should  have  as  many  differing  locks  as  there  are 
tens  in  the  States.  And  if  there  were  a  Clerk  for  each  ten,  and  a 
pew  or  table  for  those  clerks  in  the  assembly  ;  and  at  the  end  of 
every  session  one  out  of  each  ten  were  appointed  to  examine  and 
compare  the  Journals  of  those  Clerks,  and  then  lock  them  up,  it 
would  be  clear  and  satisfactory." 

It  was  further  arranged  that  each  sovereignty  could 
have  a  copy  of  the  Proceedings,  that  each  power  should 
vote  as  a  unit,  and  that  each  should  always  be  present. 


under  great  penalties,  till  the  end  of  every  session,  and 
"  neutralities  in  debates  should  by  no  means  be  endured. 
For  any  such  latitude  will  quickly  open  a  way  to  unfair 
proceedings,  and  be  followed  by  a  train  both  of  seen  and 
unseen  inconveniences."  The  language  of  the  Dyet  must 
be  either  Latin  or  French.  "  The  first  would  be  very  well 
for  civilians,  but  the  last  most  easy  for  men  of  Quality." 
(So  that  a  classical  education  for  civil  servants  is  of 
ancient  date.)  He  provides  for  delegates  consulting 
their  principals  at  home,  which  he  says  may  be  done  in 
four  and  twenty  days  at  the  most,  if  the  place  of  session 
be   central. 

The  author  then  addresses  himself  to  the  objections 
that  may  be  offered.  One  is — "  that  it  will  endanger  an 
effem.inacy  by  such  a  disuse  of  the  trade  of  soldiery  ;  that 
if  there  should  be  any  need  for  it,  upon  any  occasion,  we 
should  be  at  a  loss  as  they  were  in  Holland,  in  '72." 
He  meets  this  by  recommending  a  disciplined  education, 
with  "low  {i.e.,  hard)  living  and  due  labour."  "  Instruct 
them  in  mechanical  knowledge  and  in  natural  philosophy, 
by  operation  (laboratory  work,  no  doubt),  which  is  the 
honour  of  the  German  nobility."  (The  modernness 
strikes  us  again).  This  would  make  them  men,  neither 
women  nor  Lyons  ;  for  soldiers  are  'tother  extreme  to 
effeminacy.  But  the  knowledge  of  nature  and  the  use- 
ful as  well  as  agreeable  operations  of  art  {i.e.,  of  the  arts,) 
give  men  an  understanding  of  themselves,  of  the  world 
they  are  born  into,  how  to  be  useful  and  serviceable, 
both  to  themselves  and  others,  and  how  to  save  and  help, 
not  injure  or  destroy,"  With  regard  to  lack  of  soldiery 
to  meet  an  emergency  he  remarks  that  they  will  all  be 
alike  in  that  respect ;  and  that  if  any  Power  were  found 
keeping  a  large  army,  it  should  be  compelled  by  the 
assembly  to  reduce  it.  It  recommends  the  keeping  of 
a  small  force  in  each  nation. 

The  next  objection  is  "  that  there  will  be  great  want 
of  employment   for  younger  brothers    of    families,   and 


that  the  poor  must  either  turn  soldiers  or  thieves."  The 
use  of  armies  as  social  drain  pipes  is  thus  frankly  put. 
Penn's  cure  for  this  is  again  Education. 

The  last  objection  is  what  we  should  now  feel  to  be 
the  strongest,  "  that  sovereign  princes  and  states  will 
hereby  become  not  sovereign,  a  thing  they  will  never 
endure."  He  replies  that  they  remain  entirely  sovereign 
at  home,  except  in  the  matter  of  war  establishments. 
"  If  this  be  called  a  lessening  of  their  power,  it  must  be 
because  the  great  fish  can  no  longer  eat  up  the  little  ones, 
and  that  each  sovereignty  is  equally  defended  from  injuries 
and  disabled  from  committing  them." 

We  need  not  follow  the  writer  through  his  exposition 
of  the  benefits  of  peace.  We  know  them  already  from 
our  own  sad  experience  of  losing  them.  Among  them  he 
places  the  recovery  of  the  reputation  of  Christianity 
among  infidels,  and  appeals  for  the  help  of  the  clergy,  as 
others  have  done.  We  should  save,  besides  the  desola- 
tions of  war,  "  the  great  expense  that  frequent  and 
splendid  embassies  require,  with  all  their  appendages 
of  spies  and  intelligence  .  .  .  and  their  immoral 
practices,  such  as  corrupting  of  servants  to  betray  their 
masters."  The  freedom  from  devastation  is,  he  says, 
"  a  blessing  that  would  be  very  well  understood  in 
Flanders  and  Hungary,  and  indeed  upon  all  the  borders 
of  sovereignties,  which  are  almost  ever  the  stages  of  spoil 
and  misery."  The  danger  to  Europe,  in  WilHam  Penn's 
mind,  was  the  Turk,  who  had  won  his  victories  by  the  help 
of  Christian  Princes,  but  could  not  defeat  them  united, 
and  would  be  obliged  to  join  the  League  peaceably,  to 
keep  what  he  had. 

Among  other  advantages  he  names  the  friendly  bonds 
that  would  be  maintained  between  Royal  families,  whom 
he  looked  to  then  for  maintaining  peace  and  friendship 
between  the  countries.  It  would  also  allow  Princes  to 
make  love  matches,  as  other  people  do,  instead  of  state 
alliances  through  marriages  of   interest.     All  this  is  in 


marked  contrast  to  the  condition  for  the  success  of  inter- 
nationaHsm  laid  down  by  Kant  in  his  treatise ;  viz., 
that  each  country  should  become  a  free  democracy  first. 
There  were  no  free  democracies  of  any  large  size  in  Penn's 
time,  and  such  a  consummation  was  probably  not  within 
his  horizon  as  a  practical  man.  As  a  man  in  hiding  from 
a  Royal  warrant  he  would  hardly  have  ventured  to  put 
it  forward  if  it  had  been.  As  a  general  statement  Kant 
was,  I  think,  nearer  the  truth  than  Penn. 

In  his  conclusion  the  author  instances  the  federal 
arrangements  of  the  United  Provinces  as  described  in 
Sir  William  Temple's  book,  as  a  practical  solution  of  the 
difficulties  of  his  scheme,  and  an  example  of  a  States 
General,  meeting  at  the  Hague.  Not  without  historical 
fitness,  then,  may  the  future  European  Court  of  Concilia- 
tion meet  at  the  Hague.  He  refers  also  with  admiration 
to  the  similar  Design  of  Henry  IV.  of  France,  for  the  sake 
of  which,  he  says,  he  was  assassinated  by  the  Spanish 
faction.  He  concludes  by  taking  little  credit  to  himself, 
"  for  this  great  King's  example  tells  us  it  is  fit  to  be  done  ; 
and  Sir  William  Temple's  History  shows  us  by  a  surpassing 
instance,  that  it  may  be  done  ;  and  Europe,  by  her  incom- 
parable miseries,  makes  it  now  necessary  to  be  done." 

And  yet  the  necessity  remains  to-day  ever  more 
pressingly  whilst  democracy  has  become  the  habit  of 
Government  in  Western  Europe,  and  the  bonds  of  trade 
are  multiplied  many  times,  and  the  wealthy  lands  to  be 
desolated  are  far  more  crowded  with  undefended  cities, 
and  delegates  can  communicate  in  twenty-four  minutes 
instead  of  twenty-four  days,  and  the  world  has  outgrown 
all  fitness  for  war.  Surely  we  cannot  be  far  from  the 
sudden  crystallisation  of  this  great  idea.  For  it  is  more 
than  three  hundred  weary  and  miserable  years  of  warfare 
since  Henry  of  Navarre  conceived  his  great  and  reasonable 

The  other  book  struck  out  a  new  line,  away  from 
Quaker  apologies.     It  was  called  Some  Fruits  of  Solitude, 


in  Reflections  and  Maxims,  relating  to  the  conduct  of 
Human  Life.  It  was  finally  in  two  parts,  the  second 
being  added  in  1702,  and  includes  altogether  855  sayings 
on  moral  questions.  It  is  known  shortly  as  "  Penn's 
Maxims,"  and  has  had  a  wonderful  vitality.  Some 
twenty-six  reprints  were  known  to  Joseph  Smith,  the 
Quaker  bibliographer,  in  1867  ;  it  exists  in  verse, 
and  in  Dutch,  French  and  German.  Its  precepts 
cover  human  duty  with  fair  completeness  ;  they  are 
generally  true  and  wise,  though  there  is  not  that  epigram- 
matic quality  about  them  which  usually  makes  sayings 
rememberable.  But  what  is  said  is  well  said,  and  the 
author  was  undoubtedly  an  expert.  Edmund  Gosse 
thought  so  well  of  them  that  he  issued  a  beautiful  edition 
with  an  introduction  ;  and  they  also  form  part  of  the 
volume  in  Everyman's  Library.  I  cannot  do  better  than 
sample  the  contents.     From  the  Preface  : — 

"  The  author  blesseth  God  for  his  retirement,  and  kisses  that 
gentle  hand  which  led  him  into  it,  for  though  it  should  prove 
barren  to  the  world,  it  can  never  do  so  to  him. 

"  He  has  now  had  some  time  he  could  call  his  own,  a  property 
he  was  never  so  much  master  of  before  ;  in  which  he  has  taken  a 
view  of  himself  and  the  world,  and  observed  wherein  he  hath 
hit  and  missed  the  mark  ;  what  might  have  been  done,  what 
mended,  and  what  avoided  in  his  human  conduct.  .  .  .  And 
he  verily  thinks,  were  he  to  live  his  life  over  again,  he  could  not 
only,  with  God's  grace,  serve  Him  but  his  neighbour  and  himself, 
better  than  he  hath  done,  and  have  seven  years  of  his  time  to 
spare.  And  yet  perhaps  he  hath  not  been  the  worst  or  the  idlest 
man  in  the  world  ;  nor  is  he  the  oldest." 

One  would  like  to  know  which  of  his  crowded  activities 
he  thought  he  could  have  spared,  to  the  extent  of  seven 
years.  But  he  does  not  tell  us  anywhere  that  I  know  of. 
He  proceeds  with  a  sad  summary  : — 

"  After  we  have  made  the  just  reckonings  which  retirement 
will  help  us  to,  we  shall  begin  to  think  the  world  in  great  measure 
mad,  and  that  we  have  been  in  a  sort  of  Bedlam  all  tliis  while." 


We  now  select  from  the  maxims  themselves  : — 

"  Education.  The  World  is  certainly  a  great  and  stately 
Volume  of  natural  Things  ;  and  may  be  not  improperly  stiled 
the  Hieroglyphicks  of  a  better  :  But,  alas,  how  very  few  leaves 
of  it  do  we  seriously  turn  over  !  This  ought  to  be  the  Subject 
of  the  Education  of  our  Youth,  who,  at  Twenty,  when  they 
should  be  fit  for  Business,  know  little  or  nothing  of  it. 

"  We  are  in  Pain  to  make  them  Scholars,  but  not  Men  !  To 
talk,  rather  than  to  know  ;  which  is  true  Canting. 

"  The  first  Thing  obvious  to  Children  is  what  is  sensible 
{i.e.,  perceived  by  the  senses)  ;  and  that  we  make  no  Part  of  their 

"  We  press  their  Memory  too  soon,  and  puzzle,  strain  and 
load  them  with  Words  and  Rules ;  to  know  Grammar  and 
Rhetorick,  and  a  strange  Tongue  or  two,  that  it  is  ten  to  one 
may  never  be  useful  to  them  ;  leaving  their  natural  Genius  to 
Mechanical  and  Physical  or  natural  Knowledge  uncultivated 
and  neglected,  which  should  be  of  exceeding  Use  and  Pleasure 
to  them  through  the  whole  Course  of  their  Life. 

"  To  be  sure  Languages  are  not  to  be  despised  or  neglected. 
But  Things  are  still  to  be  preferred. 

"  Children  had  rather  be  making  of  Tools  and  Instruments  of 
Play  ;  shaping,  drawing,  framing  and  Building,  etc.,  than  getting 
some  Rules  of  Propriety  of  Speech  by  Heart  :  And  those  also 
would  follow  with  more  Judgment  and  less  trouble  and  time. 

"  Temperance.  To  this  a  spare  Diet  contributes  much.  Eat 
therefore  to  hve,  and  do  not  live  to  eat.  That's  hke  a  Man,  but 
this  below  a  Beast. 

"  Have  wholesome  but  not  costly  food,  and  be  rather  cleanly 
than  dainty  in  ordering  it. 

"  It  is  a  cruel  Folly  to  offer  up  to  Ostentation  so  many  Lives 
of  Creatures  as  make  up  the  State  of  our  Treats  ;  as  it  is  a  prodigal 
one  to  spend  more  in  Sauce  than  in  Meat. 

"  If  thou  rise  with  an  Appetite,  thou  art  sure  never  to  sit  down 
without  one. 

"  Rarely  drink  but  when  thou  art  Dry  ;  not  then,  between 
Meals,  if  it  can  be  avoided.     (He  probably  means  alcoholic  drink.) 

"  The  most  common  Things  are  the  most  useful ;  which 
shews  both  the  Wisdom  and  Goodness  of  the  Great  Lord  of  the 
Family  of  the  World, 


"  Apparel.  Excess  in  Apparel  is  another  costly  Folly  ;  The 
very  Trimming  of  the  vain  World  will  cloath  all  the  Naked  One. 

"  Chuse  thy  Cloaths  by  thine  own  Eyes,  not  another's.  The 
more  plain  and  simple  they  are,  the  better.  Neither  Unshapely, 
not  Fantastical ;  and  for  Use  and  Decency,  and  not  for  Pride. 

"  If  thou  art  clean  and  warm,  it  is  sufficient ;  for  more  doth 
but  rob  the  Poor,  and  please  the  Wanton. 

"  Marriage.  Never  marry  but  for  Love  ;  but  see  that  thou 
lov'st  what  is  lovely. 

"It  is  the  Difference  between  Lust  and  Love,  that  this  is 
fix'd,  that  Volatile.  Love  grows.  Lust  wastes  by  Enjoyment  : 
And  the  Reason  is,  that  one  springs  from  an  Union  of  Souls,  and 
the  other  springs  from  an  Union  of  Sense. 

"  Men  are  generally  more  careful  of  the  Breed  of  their  Horses 
and  Dogs,  than  of  their  Children. 

"  Those  must  be  of  the  best  Sort,  for  Shape,  Strength,  Courage 
and  good  Conditions  ;  But  as  for  these,  their  own  Posterity, 
Money  shall  answer  all  Things.  With  such,  it  makes  the  Crooked 
Streight,  sets  Squint-Eyes  right,  cures  Madness,  covers  Folly, 
changes  ill  Conditions,  mends  the  Skin,  gives  a  sweet  Breath, 
repairs  Honours,  makes  Young,  works  Wonders. 

"  Frequent  Visits,  Presents,  intimate  Correspondence  and 
Intermarriages,  within  allowed  Boimds,  are  means  of  keeping  up 
the  Concern  and  Affection  that  Nature  requires  from  Relations. 
(A  highly  doubtful  doctrine  about  inter-marriage.) 

"  Friendship.  There  can  be  no  Friendship  where  there  is  no 
Freedom.  Friendship  loves  a  free  Air,  and  will  not  be  penned 
up  in  streight  and  narrow  Enclosures.  It  will  speak  freely,  and 
act  so  too ;  and  take  nothing  ill.  where  no  111  is  meant ;  nay, 
where  it  is,  'twill  easily  forgive,  and  forget  too,  upon  small 

"  A  true  Friend  unbosoms  freely,  advises  justly,  assists  readily, 
adventures  boldly,  takes  all  patiently,  defends  courageously, 
and  continues  a  Friend  unchangeable. 

"  Reparation.  If  thou  hast  done  an  Injury  to  another,  rather 
own  it  than  defend  it.  One  Way  thou  gainest  Forgiveness,  the 
other  thou  doublest  the  Wrong  and  Reckoning. 

"  Some  oppose  Honour  to  Submission  :  But  it  can  be  no 
Honour  to  maintain  what  it  is  dishonourable  to  do. 

"  Conversation.    Some  are  so   foolish   as  to  interrupt   and 


anticipate  those  that  spealc  instead  of  hearing  and  thinking  before 
they  answer  ;  which  is  uncivil  as  well  as  silly. 

"  If  thou  thinkest  twice  before  thou  speakest  once,  thou 
wilt  speak  twice  the  better  for  it. 

"  Give  no  advantage  in  Argument,  nor  lose  any  that  is  offered. 
This  is  a  Benefit  which  arises  from  Temper. 

"  Knowledge.  He  that  has  more  Knowledge  than  Judgment, 
is  made  for  another  Man's  Use  more  than  his  own. 

"  It  cannot  be  a  good  Constitution  where  the  Appetite  is 
great  and  the  Digestion  weak. 

"  There  are  some  men  like  Dictionaries ;  to  be  look'd  into 
upon  Occasion,  but  have  no  Connexion,  and  are  little  entertaining. 

"  Country  Life.  The  Country  Life  is  to  be  preferr'd ;  for 
there  we  see  the  Works  of  God  ;  but  in  Cities  little  else  but  the 
Works  of  Men  ;  And  the  one  makes  a  better  Subject  for  our 
Contemplation  than  the  other 

"  As  Puppets  are  to  Men  and  Babies  to  Children,  so  is  Man's 
Workmanship  to  God's  :  We  are  the  Pictures,  he  the  Reality. 

"  The  Country  is  both  the  Philosopher's  Garden  and  Library, 
in  which  he  reads  and  Contemplates  the  Power,  Wisdom  and 
Goodness  of  God. 

"  Temporal  Happiness.  Do  Good  with  what  thou  hast,  or 
it  will  do  thee  no  good. 

"  The  Generality  are  the  worse  for  their  Plenty.  The  Volup- 
tuous consumes  it,  the  Miser  hides  it :  'Tis  the  Good  Man  that 
uses  it,  and  to  good  Purposes.  But  such  are  hardly  found 
among  the  Prosperous. 

"  Neither  make  nor  go  to  Feasts,  but  let  the  laborious  Poor 
bless  those  at  Home  in  their  soHtary  Cottages. 

"  Act  not  the  Shark  upon  thy  Neighbour  ;  nor  take  Advantage 
of  the  Ignorance,  Prodigality  or  Necessity  of  any  one  ;  for  that  is 
next  door  to  Fraud,  and,  at  best,  makes  but  an  unbless'd  Gain. 

"  Passion.  Not  to  be  provok'd  is  best  :  But  if  mov'd,  never 
correct  till  the  Fume  is  spent ;  For  every  Stroke  our  Fury  strikes 
is  sure  to  hit  ourselves  at  last. 

"  Passion  is  a  sort  of  Fever  in  the  Mind,  which  ever  leaves  us 
weaker  than  it  found  us. 

"  It  may  not  unfitly  be  termed  the  Mob  of  the  Man  that 
commits  a  Riot  upon  his  Reason. 

"  Various.     It  is  too  common  an  Error,  to  invert  the  Order  of 



Things ;  by  making  an  End  of  that  which  is  a  Means,  and  a 
Means  of  that  which  is  an  End. 

"  Rehgion  and  Government  escape  riot  this  Mischief ;  The 
first  is  too  often  made  a  Means  instead  of  an  End  ;  the  other  an 
End  instead  of  a  Means. 

"  Affect  not  to  be  seen,  and  Men  will  less  see  thy  Weakness. 

"  A  Private  Life  is  to  be  preferred  ;  the  Honour  and  Gain  of 
Pubhck  Posts  bearing  no  Proportion  with  the  comfort  of  it.  The 
one  is  free  and  quiet,  the  other  servile  and  noisy. 

"  Yet  the  Publick  must  and  will  be  serv'd  ;  and  they  that  do 
it  well  deserve  pubhck  Marks  of  Honour  and  Profit. 

"  The  truest  end  of  Life  is  to  know  the  I^ife  that  never  Ends. 

"  Religion.  Let  us  chuse,  therefore,  to  commune  where  there 
is  the  warmest  Sense  of  Religion ;  where  Devotion  exceeds 
Formality,  and  Practise  most  corresponds  with  Profession  ;  and 
where  there  is  at  least  as  much  Charity  as  Zeal ;  For  where  this 
Society  is  to  be  found,  there  shall  we  find  the  Church  of  God. 

"  As  good,  so  ill  Men  are  all  of  a  Church  ;  and  every  Body  knows 
who  must  be  Head  of  it. 

"  The  Humble,  Meek,  Merciful,  Just,  Pious,  and  Devout 
souls,  are  everywhere  of  one  Religion  ;  and  when  Death  has  taken 
off  the  Mask,  they  will  know  one  another,  though  the  diverse 
Liveries  they  wear  here  make  them  Strangers. 

"  But  to  be  sure  that  Religion  cannot  be  right  that  a  Man  is 
the  Worse  for  having. 

"  No  Religion  is  better  than  an  Unnatural  one. 

"  A  Devout  Man  is  one  thing,  a  Stickler  is  quite  another. 

"  To  be  Furious  in  ReUgion  is  to  be  Irreligiously  Religious. 

"  It  were  better  to  be  of  no  Church  than  to  be  bitter  for  any. 

"  Force  may  subdue,  but  Love  gains  :  And  he  that  forgives  fiirst 
wins  the  Laurel. 

"  speech.  Speak  properly  and  in  as  few  Words  as  you  can, 
but  always  plainly  ;  for  the  end  of  Speech  is  not  Ostentation 
but  to  be  understood. 

"  They  that  affect  Words  more  than  Matter  will  dry  up  that 
little  they  have. 

"  This  Labouring  of  slight  Matter  with  flourished  Turns 
of  Expression  is  fulsome  and  worse  than  the  Modern  Imitation 
of  Tapestry  and  East  India  Goods  in  Stuffs  and  Linens.  In 
short,  'tis  but  Taudry  Talk,  and  next  to  very  Trash. 


"  Of  the  Interest  of  the  Puhlick  in  our  Estates.  Hardly  any 
Thing  is  given  us  for  our  selves,  but  the  Publick  may  claim  a 
share  with  us.  But  of  all  we  call  ours,  we  are  most  accountable 
to  God  and  the  Publick  for  our  Estates ;  in  this  we  are  but 
Stewards,  and  to  hoard  up  all  to  our  selves  is  great  Injustice 
as  well  as  ingratitude. 

"  If  all  men  were  so  far  Tenants  to  the  Publick,  that  the 
Superfluities  of  Gain  and  Expence  were  applied  to  the  Exigencies 
thereof,  it  would  put  an  End  to  Taxes,  leave  never  a  Beggar,  and 
make  the  greatest  Bank  for  National  Trade  in  Europe. 

"  But  some  say.  It  ruins  Trade,  and  will  make  the  Poor 
Burdensome  to  the  Publick  ;  But  if  such  Trade  in  Consequence 
ruins  the  Kingdom  is  it  not  Time  to  ruin  that  Trade  ?  Is  Moder- 
ation no  Part  of  our  Duty  and  Temperance  an  Enemy  to 
Government  } 

"  Is  there  no  better  Employment  for  the  Poor  than  Luxury  ? 
Miserable  Nation  ! 

"  What  did  they  before  they  fell  into  these  forbidden  Methods  ? 
Is  there  not  Land  enough  in  England  to  cultivate,  and  more  and 
better  Manufactures  to  be  made  ? 

"  Have  we  no  Room  for  them  in  our  Plantations,  about  Things 
that  may  augment  Trade,  without  Luxury  ? 

"  But  it  is  an  Injustice  too  ;  since  those  higher  Ranks  of  Men 
are  but  the  Trustees  of  Heaven  for  the  Benefit  of  Lesser  Mortals, 
who,  as  Minors,  are  entitled  to  all  their  Care  and  Provision. 

"  For  tho'  God  has  dignified  some  Men  above  their  Brethren,  it 
neither  was  to  serve  their  Pleasures,  but  that  they  might  take 
Pleasure  to  serve  the  Publick. 

"  But  that  any  one  Man  should  make  Work  for  so  many  ;  or 
rather  keep  them  from  Work,  to  make  up  a  Train,  has  a 
Levity  or  Luxury  in  it  very  reprovable,  both  in  religion  and 

These  extracts  constitute  one  thirteenth  of  the  book, 
and  are  among  the  best  sa3dngs  in  it.  The  author's 
generous  soul  was  more  revolted  by  avarice  and  parsimony 
than  by  any  other  fault,  if  we  may  judge  by  the  strength  of 
his  attack  on  it.  There  is  also  much  about  political 
morality,  and  the  politicians  he  had  met  had  been,  on  the 
whole  a  very  depressing  company;  as  indeed,  we  know 


them  to  have  been.     Penn's  views  on  luxury,   and  on 
property  being  a  trust,  are  still  greatly  needed. 

From  their  great  and  continued  popularity  Friends 
clearly  found  in  this  modest  book  what  the  Jews  found  in 
the  Book  of  Proverbs  and  other  "  Wisdom  "  literature, 
and  what  later  society  in  England  found  in  the  "  Pro- 
verbial Philosophy"  of  Martin  Tupper,  now  laughed 
out  of  existence,  and  in  the  sayings  of  Poor  Richard,  by 
Benjamin  Franklin.  They  exceed  in  substance  Bernard 
Shaw's  collection  in  the  supplement  to  Man  and  Superman, 
as  much  as  they  are  inferior  in  wit. 

There  is  hardly  any  record  of  events  in  these  years. 
In  February,  1691,  Anthony  Lowther  arranged  for  Henry 
Sidney  to  visit  Penn,  who  protested  his  innocence,  but 
would  not  give  any  positive  answer  about  having  been 
present  at  some  conference.  He  asked  to  see  the  King 
personally,  and  offered  explanations  and  information.  It 
would  seem  probable  that  he  had  been  cognisant  of  some 
conference  of  the  discontented,  not  criminal  or  treasonable, 
at  an  early  stage,  and  that,  perhaps  failing  that  move- 
ment, the  Jacobites  had  plotted  by  themselves.  Penn 
said,  "  I  have  refused  all  other  offers  of  future  safety  or 
accommodation."  This  doubtless  represents  Jacobite 
advances.  Narcissus  Luttrell  enters  in  his  diary  for 
i8th  September,  1691  :  "  Wm,  Penn  the  Quaker  is  got 
off  from  Shoreham  in  Sussex  and  gone  to  France " 
(ii.  286),  This  only  shows  how  great  are  the  gaps  in  our 
knowledge  at  this  point.  There  is  another  saying  of 
Penn's  :  "  I  have  been  above  these  three  years  hunted  up 
and  down  and  could  never  be  allowed  to  live  quietly  in  city 
or  country."*  Interpreted  strictly  this  is  not  exactly  a 
description  of  a  confinement  in  one  place.  On  the  whole 
it  is  better  not  to  interpret  it  strictly. 

*  Janney,  p.  367. 




The  history  of  the  new  colony  on  the  Delaware,  since 
Governor  Penn  had  left  it  in  1684,  was  not  such  as  a  writer 
of  romance,  governed  by  poetic  justice,  would  have 
imagined  it  to  be.  It  was  no  scene  of  idyllic  peace,  each 
man  under  his  own  vine  and  fig  tree,  friendly  with  his 
neighbours,  and  turning  with  joy  the  wilderness  into  a 
fruitful  garden.  There  was  all  this  behind,  but  super- 
ficially, and  to  the  annalist,  it  was  a  scene  of  ceaseless 
quarrelling,  caused  by  nothing  but  the  clash  of  strongly 
individual  temperaments,  without  the  guidance  of  the  one 
man  whom  they  all  revered.  When  William  Penn  was 
himself  in  America,  all  went  smoothly,  but  until  the  last 
decade  of  his  life  there  was  never  very  prolonged  peace 
and  quietness  during  his  absence.  I  imagine  that  the 
early  Quakers  were  most  of  them,  to  begin  with,  men  of 
strong  personality,  tough,  stubborn,  and  little  accustomed 
to  defer  to  any  man.  It  needed,  indeed,  men  of  unusual 
grit  to  bear  the  imprisonments  and  face  the  judges  of 
the  old  country.  From  these  restraints  they  were 
suddenly  transplanted  to  a  land  of  perfect  liberty ;  but 
they  were  wholly  unaccustomed  to  the  responsibilities 
of  government,  from  which  they  had  been  rigidly  excluded 
at  home.  All  their  lives  they  had  been  against  the  evil 
government  from  which  they  had  fled,  and  obedient  as 
they  were  to  the  wishes  of  the  founder,  they  did  not  stand 


one  another's  government  very  well.  The  unkind  might 
even  suggest  that  there  were  cranks  amongst  them.  It 
is,  at  any  rate,  a  fact  that  every  Utopian  colony  made  by 
men  who  have  fled  from  the  pomps,  vanities  and  wealth 
of  the  world,  has  been  similarly  troubled  by  faction. 
What  is  still  more  important,  the  colony  early  attracted 
many  who  were  mere  adventurers,  hostile  to  the  Quaker 

In  relation  to  the  Indians,  indeed,  William  Penn  had 
already  effected  perfect  peace,  and  his  colonists  willingly 
seconded  his  efforts.  Mutual  trust  reigned.  At  the 
great  treaty  on  the  23rd  of  June,  1683,  with  Tamanen 
or  Taminent  and  other  chiefs,  the  price  to  be  paid  for 
the  lands  sold  was  entirely  left  to  William  Penn.  They 
were  to  receive  "  so  much  wampum,  so  many  guns,  shoes, 
stockings,  looking-glasses,  blankets  and  other  goods  as  he 
the  said  William  Penn,  shall  please  to  give  unto  we." 
In  addition  Tamanen  received  several  guylders  in  silver.* 

By  a  series  of  purchases  from  other  Sachems  Penn  had 
bought  all  the  land  in  the  south-east  corner  of  Penn- 
sylvania. It  is  noticeable  that  no  ardent  spirits 
are  to  be  found  in  any  of  his  Pennsylvanian  transactions. 
His  deputy,  Markham,  had  sold  the  Indians  rum  before 
his  arrival,  and  it  was  commonly  done  by  other  purchasers, 
but  the  evil  effects  upon  the  aborigines  were  only  too 
manifest.  There  were  difficulties  with  the  colony  of  New 
York,  whose  governors  and  Provincial  Council  were 
afraid  that  the  Indians  of  the  Susquehanna,  a  river  which 
flows  south  through  the  heart  of  Pennsylvania,  and  was 
within  Penn's  grant,  should  find  it  more  profitable  to 
sell  their  furs  to  the  friendly  people  on  the  Delaware, 
rather  than  to  bring  them  north  to  Albany. 

Frequent  attempts  were  made  to  take  the  Susquehanna 
region  from  Penn's  dominions,  and  even,  a  little  later  on, 
in  1691,  to  dispossess  Penn  altogether.    There  was  no  doubt 

*  "Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  by  Howard  M.  Jenkins, 
Vol.  I.,  p.  287. 


that  his  Quakerism,  his  democracy,  and  his  remarkable 
humanity  to  the  Indians,  were  not  pleasing  to  the  ordinary 
men  in  other  settlements.  There  was  no  congregation  of 
the  Church  of  England  till  1695.  The  Society  of  Friends 
was,  in  fact,  the  only  organised  form  of  religion  in  the 
province.  Thomas  Lloyd,  of  Dolobran,  a  prominent 
Welshman  who  had  brought  with  him  his  wife  and  nine 
children  in  1683,  was  left  as  President  of  the  Council 
and  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal,  and  he  with  two  others 
were  commissioners  of  property,  to  deal  'with  the  buying 
and  selling  of  the  proprietor's  land. 

The  first  feud  came  to  a  head  in  May,  1685,  when  the 
Assembly    presented    a    Declaration    against     Nicholas 
Moore,  on  account  of  his  assumpton  of  arbitrary  power. 
He  had  formerly  been  the  Speaker,  but  had  got  into  trouble 
over  that  and  was  now  a  Judge.     The  accusations  seem 
to  have  been  well  grounded.     He  had  even  attempted 
to  coerce  juries,   and  had   manufactured    a    charge    of 
perjury.     He    had    also    called    the    Provincial    Council 
fools  and  loggerheads,  and  said  it  would  be  well  if  all 
the  laws  had  dropped,  and  there  would  never  be  good 
times  as  long  as  Quakers  had  the    administration.     He 
was  superseded  as  a  Judge.     Thomas  Lloyd  desired  to  be 
relieved  of  office  at  the  end  of  1687,  and  soon  after  the 
Council    under   his    Presidency    ended,    Penn    sent    over 
a  commission  to  five  persons,   including  Lloyd,   to  act 
with  the  powers  of  deputy  governor.     The  real  difficulty 
was  that  no  member  of  the  Society  of  Friends  was  exactly 
the  man  for  a  deputy,  because  there  had  to  be  transactions 
with  the  British   Government  concerning  war  taxation 
and  other  military  and  naval  matters,  from  which  the 
colony  could  not  be  free,  and  yet  which  no  Friend  could 
conscientiously  carry  out.     Yet  any  one  who  was  not    a 
Friend  would  be  sure  to  find  it  extremely  difficult  to  work 
harmoniously  with  the  Quaker  Assembly  and  the  Quaker 
population  ;   in  fact  Penn's  lieutenants   rarely    succeeded 
in  doing  so.     On  the  whole  one  thinks  that  the  choice  of 


suitable  agents  was  not  one  of  William  Penn's  strong 
points.  He  was  too  trustful  and  optimistic.  That  went 
with  his  general  character,  and  was  the  source  of  much  of 
his  strength.  To  be  a  Quaker  at  all  you  have  to  have 
faith  in  human-kind,  and  to  be  an  apostle  of  Quakerism 
does  not  go  well  with  even  moderate  and  prudent  suspicion 
of  others.  We  cannot  all  do  everything,  and  in  the  point 
of  employing  subordinates,  whether  for  his  own  affairs 
or  for  those  of  Pennsylvania,  William  Penn  had  the 
defects  of  his  qualities.  Nevertheless,  Markham  was  a 
success,  and  Logan  a  treasure,  and  some  others  passably 

No  Friend  being  willing  to  take  the  Lieutenant- 
Governorship,  Penn  appointed  Captain  John  Blackwell, 
who  was  then  in  New  England.  He  had  been  Treasurer  to 
the  Army  of  the  Commonwealth,  and  was  a  man  of  stainless 
integrity,  who  had  refused  great  preferment  under  the 
Restoration  because  he  would  not  live  upon  perquisites. 
He  was  General  Lambert's  son-in-law  and  a  sound 
Puritan,  and  he  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  piety  and 
nobility  of  spirit.  His  innocent  idea  was  that  a  Governor 
governed,  and  he  proceeded  to  revise  the  membership  of 
the  Council,  which  at  this  early  date  was  popularly 
elected.  Thomas  Lloyd,  however,  gave  him  much 
trouble.  He  was  Keeper  of  the  Great  Seal  and  Master 
of  the  Rolls.  He  refused  to  affix  the  seal  to  some  of 
Blackwell' s  commissions  and  would  not  leave  the  said  seal 
behind  him  when  he  went  to  New  York.  Nor  would  he 
give  up  the  official  correspondence  which  he  had  had 
during  his  Presidency.  When  he  was  expelled  from  the 
Council  by  Blackwell,  he  nevertheless  entered  the  room 
and  refused  to  withdraw,  having  been  popularly  elected, 
and  scenes  followed.  The  leading  Quakers  did  not  get  on 
with  Blackwell,  to  whom  William  Penn  wrote  in  1689  : 

"  I  would  be  as  little  vigorous  as  possible  ;  and  do  desire  thee, 
by  all  the  obligation  I  and  my  present  circumstances  can  have 
upon  thee  to  desist  ye  prosecution  of  Thomas  Lloyd.     I  entirely 


know  ye  person  both  in  his  weakness  and  accompUshment,  and 
would  thee  end  ye  dispute  between  you  two  upon  my  single  request 
and  command,  and  that  former  inconveniences  be  rather  mended 
than  punished." 

Blackwell,  acting  according  to  his  lights,  had  tried  to  raise 
a  militia.  In  November  of  1689  war  with  France  was 
expected,  and  Blackwell  was  ordered  from  England  to 
prepare  to  defend  Pennsylvania.  The  Quaker  Assembly 
was  put  into  some  difficulty,  and  finally  ended  by  leaving 
the  whole  matter  to  the  Government  and  washing  their 
hands  of  all  responsibility.  Soon  after  this,  at  the  request 
of  both  Blackwell  and  his  enemies,  Penn  allowed  him 
to  resign,  and  submitted  to  the  Council  two  commissions, 
of  which  they  might  adopt  either.  One  of  them  authorised 
the  whole  body  to  act  with  full  power  under  a  President 
of  their  own  choice,  and  the  other  permitted  them  to 
name  three  persons  from  whom  he  could  choose  one  as 
Lieutenant-Governor.  The  Council  unanimously  took 
up  the  whole  authority  for  themselves  under  the  former 
alternative,  and  elected  Thomas  Lloyd  President.* 
At  this  time,  by  Penn's  instruction,  a  Public  Grammar 
School,  now  the  Penn  Charter  School,  was  established. 
Under  Lloyd  as  President,  the  three  lower  counties,  now 
the  state  of  Delaware,  complained  of  serious  injustice. 
This  quarrel  prevented  the  Governorship  question,  which 
was  reopened  at  the  beginning  of  1691,  from  being 
properly  settled.  A  temporary  secession  of  the  three 
lower  counties  took  place.  From  his  retirement  Penn 
writes  of  the  lower  counties  :  "  The  Lord  forgive  them 
their  unspeakable  injury  to  me  and  mine."  They  were 
not  mainly  Quaker  districts.  In  the  upshot  Lloyd 
became  Lieutenant-Governor  of  Pennsylvania  and 
Markham     Lieutenant-Governor     of     the     three     lower 

*  A  letter  from  William  Penn  puts  it  rather  differently.  "  I  left  it  to 
them  to  choose  either  the  Government  of  the  Council ,  or  five  Commissioners 
and  deputy,  what  could  be  tenderer  ?  "  Janney,  p.  372.  The  statement 
in  the  text  is  from  "  Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal." 


counties  of  the  Delaware,  The  plan  worked  harmoniously, 
and  the  two  deputy  governors  and  council  wrote  a  loyal 
and  affectionate  letter  to  the  Governor  hoping  for  his 
early  return  to  the  province.  To  the  above  political 
squabbles  was  added  a  religious  schism. 

George  Keith  was  one  of  the  inner,  indeed  the  inmost, 
circle  of  Quaker  leaders.  He  was  from  Aberdeen,  a 
learned  University  man,  whose  special  subject  was  Mathe- 
matics. He  had  been  with  William  Penn  and  Robert 
Barclay  to  Germany,  had  written  many  books  and 
suffered  many  imprisonments.  His  first  business  in 
America  was  that  of  Surveyor-General  of  East  Jersey. 
For  a  year  he  taught  the  new  Public  Grammar  School 
in  Philadelphia,  but  for  the  most  part  he  travelled  about 
the  colonies  preaching  Quakerism  of  the  most  severe 
type.  The  seeds  of  his  future  apostasy  may  be  seen  even 
at  this  period  in  the  fact  that  he  contended  for  greater 
plainness  of  dress.  This  insists  on  an  outward  form  rather 
than  an  inward  grace.  A  tendency  to  follow  the  line  of  the 
Scribes  and  Pharisees  in  this  matter  became  early  observ- 
able after  the  death  of  Fox  in  1691.  Margaret  Fox  in 
her  old  age  had  to  write  and  testify  earnestly  against  the 
spirit  of  formal  drabness  which  has  been,  in  fact,  a  great 
error  and  weakness  in  Quaker  history.  Keith  also  pro- 
posed rules  of  discipline  and  a  Confession  of  Faith. 
He  would  admit  no  one  to  membership  by  birth.  They 
had  to  adopt  the  Confession  on  doctrinal  points.  More- 
over liberty  of  prophesying  was  to  give  way  to  a  permit 
to  speak  or  offer  prayer  given  by  a  meeting  constituted  of 
confessing  members.  This  latter  would  indeed  have 
destroyed  all  that  was  most  valuable  in  the  liberty  of  the 
Quaker  Gospel.  He  went  on  in  the  same  path  by  accusing 
two  Friends  of  declaring  that  the  Light  of  Christ  was 
sufficient  for  salvation  without  anything  else.  Keith 
championed,  in  all  the  blindness  of  those  days,  the  his- 
torical Jesus  against  the  living  Christ.  We  next  hear  of 
his  being  accused  of  doubting  the  efficacy  and  universality 


of  divine  grace,  limiting  it  doubtless  to  those  who  had 
accepted  historical  Christianity.  These  are  the  usual 
steps  from  Quakerism  to  the  Church  of  England.  The 
matter  was  mixed  up  with  personalities,  as  such  things 
are  apt  to  be.  Keith  was  no  doubt  the  ablest  preacher 
and  the  best  scholar  in  the  colony,  and  he  had  probably 
some  crudities  to  sit  under.  He  carried  his  views  to  the 
point  of  a  separation,  and  holding  a  meeting  of  his  own 
Friends,  suspended  his  accusers  from  the  ministry. 
All  witnesses  testify  to  his  being  of  a  contentious  and 
difficult  temper.  We  find  that  he  told  the  Quarterly 
Meeting  of  ministers  in  the  following  year,  1692,  that  there 
were  "  more  damnable  heresies  and  doctrines  of  devils 
among  the  Quakers  than  among  any  profession  of 
Protestants."  His  disownment  followed.  Several 
separated  meetings  were  set  up.  Shortly  after  he  was 
tried  before  the  County  Court  and  fined  for  slander 
against  Thomas  Lloyd  and  Samuel  Jenings,  one  of  the 
justices.  He  was  fined,  but  the  fines  were  not  exacted  ; 
the  printer  who  had  published  his  "  Address  to  the 
Quakers  "  was  nominally  thrown  into  prison  with  a  man 
who  had  circulated  it,  and  another  who  had  written  a 
pamphlet  on  his  side.  But  the  printer,  Bradford,  when 
he  wanted  to  get  into  prison  to  sign  a  document  from 
there,  could  not  do  so,  as  the  gaoler  was  away  with  the 
key,  so  he  signed  it  from  the  entry  outside.*  The  state- 
ment was  that  these  writings  tended  to  sedition,  but 
doubtless  it  came  perilously  near  a  mild  form  of  reHgious 
persecution.  It  was  freely  so  called  by  the  enemies  of 
Quakerism.  Keith  finally  became  a  minister  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  a  great  opponent  of  Friends,  in 
whose  side  he  remained  a  thorn  so  long  as  he  lived.  But 
his  Anglicanism  devitalised  the  Separation  he  had 
caused,  which,  as  an  organisation,  died  with  the  century. 
His  story  is  the  first  of  the  many  incursions  of  orthodox 
Evangelical   ideas   into   the    Society    of    Friends.     It    is 

*  Isaac  Sharpless  in  "  Quakers  in  American  Colonies,"  p.  451. 


noticeable  that  he  called  his  separated  Friends  the 
"  Christian  "  Quakers. 

Isaac  Sharpless*  tells  a  strange  story  that  a  gallery 
opposite  the  regular  ministers'  gallery  was  erected 
in  Bank  Meeting,  Philadelphia,  by  the  friends  of  Keith 
for  his  own  use.  Two  of  the  trustees  of  the  Meet- 
ing told  them  to  tear  it  down,  whereupon  they  tore 
down  the  old  gallery  :  also  that  "  Keith  who  was  present, 
laughed  and  expressed  his  satisfaction." 

This  trouble  was  one  more  of  those  which  fell  upon  the 
suffering  head  of  William  Penn  during  the  dark  years 
which  followed  the  Revolution.  His  intimate  friend 
Robert  Turner  had  joined  Keith,  and  had  written  about 
it  to  Penn,  who  sent  him  the  following  reply  from  his 
hiding  in  London  : 

"  London,  29th  of  9th  mo.,  '92. 

"  Dear  Robert  Turner  : — My  love  in  the  Lord  salutes  thee 
and  thine,  and  the  Lord's  people  thereaway,  and  the  inhabitants 
also  :  much  wishing  your  preservation  in  this  perilous  day,  both 
inwardly  and  outwardly. 

"  Thine  I  have  by  T.  H.,  and  presented  thine  to  G.  W.,  &c., 
and  as  to  the  difference  among  Friends,  my  heart  is  bowed  under  it, 
chiefly  on  truth's  account,  for  I  never  felt  a  thought  of  interest 
stir  in  several  days  after  it  came  to  me.  But  it  has  helped  me 
into  a  fever  that  has  attended  me  above  five  weeks,  of  which  I 
am  now,  through  mercy,  better.  I  see  this  difference  is  more  in 
spirit  than  in  words  or  matter,  an  unbearing,  untravailing  frame 
[of  mind,]  for  one  another,  not  considering  how  much  and  how 
far  they  should  have  borne  for  his  sake  that  has  borne  so  much  for 
us  all.     .     .     . 

"  My  soul's  travail  is,  in  that  which  is  of  God  and  leads  to 
Him,  and  keeps  to  Him,  that  G.  K.  would,  in  the  ancient  meek- 
ness and  tenderness  in  which  he  was  right  worthy  to  me,  let  fall 
his  separate  meeting,  and  that  now  they  meet  together  as  before, 
for  I  hope  peace  would  follow.  For  as  to  believing  in  Christ's 
manhood,  it  is  Friends'  principle  he  is  like  unto  us  in  all  things,  sin 
excepted,  and  that  manhood  is  not  vanisht ;   though  out  of  our 

*  Ibid.   p.  452 


sight,  it  is  somewhere,  and  wherever  it  is,  it  must  be  in  a  glorified 
state,  but  what  that  state  is,  or  where  it  is,  or  how  to  frame  ideas  of 
either  in  our  minds,  are  intrusions  or  curiosities  above  what  is 
written  or  convenient.  Can  we  hope  our  manhood  shall  be 
glorified  and  deny  his  to  be  so,  that  made  way  with  his,  within  the 
vail,  for  ours  ?  He  is  glorified  for  us,  as  our  common  head,  and 
we  shall,  with  him,  be  glorified  too,  as  his  members,  if  we  through 
patience  and  tribulation  overcome  also. 

"  Wherefore,  dear  Robert,  urge  this  on  George ;  but  now 
when  this  is  said,  that  Christ  came  in  our  nature,  and  has  glorified 
it  as  an  eternal  temple  to  himself,  yet  he  is  to  be  known  nearer 
(than  so  without  us)  and  that  is,  in  us.  Thus  Paul  knew  him,  and 
preached  him  as  the  riches  of  the  glory  of  the  Christian  day,  the 
mystery  hid  from  ages  and  generations  and  then  revealed,  '  Christ 
in  them  the  hope  and  glory.'  He  makes  it  the  character  and 
discrimination  of  a  Christian,  2  Cor.  xiii.  5,  and  Christ  taught 
himself  that  it  was  expedient  he  went,  as  outwardly,  that  he 
might  send  them  that  which  would  be  better  for  them,  and  what 
was  that  but  his  own  appearance  in  spirit,  '  I  will  not  leave  you 
comfortless,  I  will  come  to  you,'  and  '  he  that  was  with  them  shall 
be  in  them,'  John  xiv.  So  that  tho'  the  nature  and  transactions 
of  Christ  are  reverently  believed,  and  are  more  than  historical, 
looking  back  to  the  beginning  of  the  world  and  forward  to  the  end 
of  it ;  yet  the  immediate  object  of  our  mind,  and  requisite  and 
profitable  exercise  thereof,  is  the  spiritual  appearance  of  Christ 
in  us,  which  is  a  step  nearer  to  us  than  our  natural  without  us, 
because  it  is  being  in  us  ;  this  is  what  God  has  turned  our  minds 
into,  and  what  knowledge  we  had  before  we  counted  as  dross 
comparatively.  Here  it  was  we  came  to  know  God  aright, 
sensibly  and  virtuously  to  our  souls  ;  and  by  obeying  this  mani- 
festation we  came  to  read  Scripture  edifyingly,  and  to  our  comfort, 
and  to  value  aright  God's  love  in  all  former  dispensations,  more 
especially  that  of  his  Son  as  the  crown  of  them  ;  but  then  our 
religion  stood,  and  must  stand,  as  the  living  work  of  God  in  us,  in 
our  conformity  to  his  will,  death  to  self  entirely,  as  the  passage 
to  life,  in  him  who  is  our  Ufe.  This  sweet,  this  blessed  knowledge 
and  fellowship  is  what  we  have  been  led  to  press  and  prefer  as 
bringing  things  home,  and  the  work  to  our  own  doors  and  houses, 
which  is,  to  me,  the  glory  and  excellence  of  our  dispensation  ; 
so  it  is,  I  know,  to  the  many  thousands  of  Israel. 


"  Oh  let  this  be  still  our  holy  care,  love,  and  business,  and  great 
shall  be  our  reward,  when  the  Rewarder  comes  to  judge  the 

The  division  between  the  Province  and  the  Terri- 
tories, and  the  Keith  separation  were  made  the  most  of 
in  London,  at  Court  and  Parliament,  by  those  who 
desired  the  catastrophe  which  was  about  to  fall.  It  was 
said  that  the  province  was  in  a  state  of  ruin. 

Thus  fed,  the  suspicion  and  unpopularity  which 
attached  to  any  friend  of  James,  though  no  accusation  of 
treason  lay,  caused  William  Penn  to  be  deprived  of  the 
government  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Delaware  counties. 
In  October,  1692,  this  was  handed  over  to  the  care  of 
Benjamin  Fletcher,  the  Governor  of  New  York.  We  were 
at  war  with  France,  and  it  did  not  appear  to  the  English 
Government  to  be  prudent  to  leave  a  British  colony  in 
the  hands  of  men  who  were  conscientiously  opposed  to 
war.  Commissions  took  a  long  time  to  cross  the  Atlantic 
in  those  days,  and  it  was  not  till  April,  1693,  that  Governor 
Fletcher  took  possession.  He  made  Markham  (Penn's 
young  relative)  Lieutenant-Governor  and  behaved  very 
reasonably  both  towards  Friends  and  towards  the  pro- 
prietor's rights.  To  the  demand  of  the  Government  for 
a  war  tax,  the  Assembly  granted,  in  1693,  a  tax  of  a  penny 
per  pound  for  the  support  of  the  Government,  and  the 
next  year  proposed  to  do  the  same  in  reply  to  the  Govern- 
ment's promise  that,  in  consideration  of  their  scruples,  the 
money  should  not  be  "  dipped  in  blood  "  but  should  feed 
the  hungry  and  clothe  the  naked  Indians,  who  were 
unable  to  hunt  because  fighting  for  the  English.*  There 
was  trouble  in  the  colony  all  along  on  account  of  this 
essential  difficulty  between  the  Quaker  colonists  and  the 
warlike  necessities  of  the  English  Government.  Penn  was 
badly  wanted  in  the  colony,  but  could  not  come.  He  was 
as  we  have  seen  in  hiding  in  London  under  a  warrant 

*  "Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.   327. 


for  treason.  He  was  liberated  on  November  30th,  1693, 
and  on  the  ensuing  February  4th  he  wrote  to  his  friends 
in  Philadelphia  asking  that  one  hundred  persons  would 
lend  him  ;^ioo  each  for  three  years  without  interest,  in 
which  case  he  would  be  able  to  come  and  bring  his 
family  to  Philadelphia.  But  the  application  was  not 
successful;  a  fact  not  creditable  to  those  who  owed 
everything  to  him. 

It  appeared  to  him  that  the  only  way  to  save 
Pennsylvania  from  Crown  government  and  avert  the 
failure  of  all  his  hopes,  was  to  come  to  some  kind  of  terms 
with  the  Government.  At  the  beginning  of  August 

"  He  promised  the  Committee  for  Trade  and  Plantations  that  if 
restored  to  the  government  he  would,  with  all  convenient  speed, 
go  to  Pennsylvania  and  would  transmit  to  the  Council  and  Assem- 
bly Queen  Mary's  orders,  which  he  declared  he  did  not  doubt 
would  be  complied  with,  as  well  as  at  all  times  such  orders  as  their 
Majesties  might  give,  for  supplying  a  quota  of  men  or  defraying 
the  share  of  their  expenses  their  Majesties  might  think  necessary 
for  the  safety  of  the  dominions  in  America.  Furthermore,  he 
would  appoint  Markham  as  his  deputy,  and  if  the  Government 
of  Pennsylvania  should  not  comply  with  the  royal  orders  he  would 
submit  the  direction  of  the  military  to  their  majesties'  pleasure."* 

There  is  no  written  statement  to  this  effect  by  Penn. 
We  have  only  the  statement  of  the  Committee  as  to  the 
sense  of  his  words  :  and  I  suspect  a  shade  of  bias  and 
exaggeration  in  the  minute  their  secretary  made. 

Thus  did  William  Penn  endeavour  to  make  the  best 
compromise  he  could  between  the  legitimate  demands  of 
the  Government  and  the  legitimate  principles  of  the 
Quaker  colony.  We  must  remember  that  both  the 
Attorney-General  and  the  Solicitor-General  had  stated 
that,  as  Pennsylvania  was  still  part  of  the  Empire,  Penn 
could  be  superseded  by  another  governor  when  it  became 
necessary  to  protect  or  defend  the  province.     In  response 

*  "  Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.  327. 


to  the  above  overture  William  and  Mary  restored  the 
government  by  letters  patent  in  August,  1694,  received 
in  Philadelphia  the  following  March.  A  quota  of  eighty 
men  with  their  officers,  or  the  expense  of  maintaining 
such  a  body,  were  to  be  available  from  Pennsylvania 
for  the  use  of  the  government  at  New  York.  Penn, 
restored  to  power,  continued  Markham  as  Lieutenant- 
Governor,  not  being  able  to  return  himself.  This  was  the 
best  that  could  be  done,  considering  the  English  connec- 
tion. How  it  appeared  to  the  Governor's  mind  ma}'  be 
seen  from  the  following  letter  of  explanation  addressed  to 
Friends  in  Pennsylvania  : — 

"  Bristol,  24tb  of  9th  month,  1694. 

"  Dear  Friends  and  Brethren  : — My  ancient  love  without 
reserve  salutes  and  embraces  you  in  the  sense  of  that  which  has 
been  the  root  of  our  fellowship,  and  of  all  God's  people  since  the 
world  began,  in  which  the  Lord  preserve  us  to  the  end. 

"  By  this  you  will  understand  that  by  the  good  providence  of 
God,  I  am  restored  to  my  former  administration  of  government, 
which  I  hope  will  be  some  relief  and  comfort  to  you  that  have  been 
exercised  by  the  late  interruption  upon  us.  That  things  are  not 
just  now  put  into  that  posture  as  you  may  reasonably  desire,  you 
must  not  take  amiss,  for  neither  will  the  straitness  of  the  times, 
nor  the  circumstances  we  are  under  to  the  Lords  of  the  Plantations 
permit  another  method  at  this  time.  And  as  soon  as  I  can  make 
my  way  to  that  which  is  as  much  my  inclination  as  yours  (and 
which  I  hope  to  do  in  a  short  time),  depend  upon  it,  I  shall  do  my 
utmost  to  make  you  entirely  easy.  Accept  this  part  of  the  good- 
ness of  God,  and  wait  for  the  rest. 

"  We  must  creep  where  we  cannot  go,  and  it  is  necessary  for 
us,  in  the  things  of  this  life,  to  be  wise  as  to  be  innocent.  A  word 
to  the  wise  is  enough.  My  return  will,  I  hope,  put  an  end  to  all 
our  civil  griefs,  which  at  least  I  long  for,  not  for  any  worldly 
advantage,  but  to  discharge  a  conscience  to  God  and  to  you,  and 
I  hope  that  you  shall  singly  be  the  mark  and  rule  of  the  remainder 
of  my  life,  both  in  this  and  in  all  other  things  that  may  attend  it, 

Fletcher  applied  for  the  eighty  men  in  April,  1695. 
They  were  to  be  at  Albany  as  soon  as  possible  after  the 


2ist  of  May,  but  did  not  come.  A  second  application 
was  similarly  fruitless  ;  then  came  harvest  ^  so  that  the 
Assembly  did  not  meet  before  the  9th  of  September. 
Markham,  who,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  not  a  Friend 
but  a  soldier,  and  whose  lack  of  Quaker  principle  was — 
under  the  circumstances — one  of  the  qualifications  for 
his  post,  asked  the  Assembly  whether  they  would  be 
willing  that  "if  an  enemy  should  assault  us  I  should 
defend  you  by  force  of  arms.*  Some  answered  that  they 
would,  others  that  they  must  leave  everyone  to  his  own 
principle,  and  that  Governor  Penn's  instructions  must  be 
followed,  the  responsibility  lying  with  him.  It  is 
noticeable  and  very  human  that  the  Assembly,  always 
agitating  during  this  period  for  more  power  and  indepen- 
dance,  were  not  so  anxious  to  shoulder  the  responsibility 
that  must  go  with  power,  but  in  a  tight  place,  now  for 
the  second  time,  said  the  governor  was  the  responsible 
authority.  In  fact,  on  taxation  and  finance,  he  was  not. 
Finally  they  voted  £250  for  the  Government,  but  recalled 
Fletcher's  promise  that  the  money  should  be  applied  to  pro- 
viding for  the  Indians,  and  that  the  vote  should  be  deemed 
"  a  compliance  as  far  as  conscience  and  ability  permitted." 
They  further  tacked  an  Act  of  Settlement,  establishing  a 
new  Charter,  to  their  money  vote,  but  Markham  had  no 
authority  to  bind  William  Penn  by  a  new  charter,  and  so 
the  Assembly  was  dissolved  without  any  money  having 
gone  for  military  purposes.  It  is  impossible  not  to 
sympathise  with  Fletcher,  who  wrote  in  June  1696  : 

"  The  town  of  Philadelphia  in  fourteen  years'  time  is  become 
equal  to  the  city  of  New  York  in  trade  and  riches,  that  many 
people  have  gone  to  Philadelphia  to  enjoy  their  ease  and  avoid 
the  hardship  of  defending  New  York,  and  their  being  Free  Trade 
in  Philadelphia  business  had  gone  there."f 

So  much  for  peaceful  methods  and  Free  Trade. 

*  "  Pennsylvania,  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.  331. 
t  "  Pennsylvania  Colonial  and  Federal,"  p.  331. 



The  Assembly  of  1696  propounded  a  new  Frame  of 
Government  to  supersede  that  of  1683,  though  on  similar 
principles.  The  Assembly  claimed  the  power  of  originating, 
as  well  as  vetoing  Bills.  It  also  voted  a  penny  per 
pound  for  the  Government,  which  raised  £300  for  Fletcher, 
who  thanked  them  but  said  that  what  he  had  asked  for 
was  £2,000. 

These  inter-colonial  dissensions  caused  William  Penn 
in  London  to  suggest  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations 
that  there  should  be  a  common  Assembly  for  all  the 
colonies  in  America,  which  should  settle  matters  in 
dispute  and  assign  the  quotas  to  each  colony.  Like  so 
many  of  William  Penn's  ideas,  it  took  shape  long  after  his 
time,  and  the  Congress  held  at  Albany  in  1754  was  the 
beginning  of  the  union  which  was  ultimately  effected  in 
the  revolutionary  war. 

Meantime  Markham  continued  to  administer  Pennsyl- 
vania. There  arose  a  Quaker  and  an  anti-Quaker  party, 
the  latter  centred  round  Christ  Church,  Philadelphia. 
There  was  much  piracy  on  the  coast  and  the  officials  of 
all  the  colonies  were  accused  of  corrupt  acquiescence  in  it. 
On  the  whole,  however,  the  years  of  restored  Government, 
1694  to  1699,  represent  a  time  of  peace  and  prosperity 
in  the  Colony,  which  must  at  that  time  have  been  one 
of  the  happiest  places  in  a  war-ridden  world. 

But  the  machinery  of  government  had  one  flaw  which 
rendered  it  difficult  from  the  beginning  and  always.  The 
colony  was  intended  to  be  a  free  democracy.  That 
was  the  object  of  its  founder.  Yet  it  was  also  a  feudal 
domain,  the  personal  property  of  one  landlord,  who  also 
held,  from  a  power  outside  all  these  Assemblies,  the  com- 
plete control  of  government.  What  the  democracy  had, 
they  had  from  Penn's  goodwill.  They  were  so  well  off 
that  they  wanted  to  be  better  off.  They  had  more  corn 
than  tends  to  docility  in  horses.  Only  the  presence  and 
influence  of  the  paternal  aristocrat  who  regarded  them  as 
his  children,  could  work  such  an  incongruous  government. 


Evils  like  these  or  worse  have  beset  every  attempt  at  a 
local  Utopia,  every  community  which  tries  to  be  in  the 
world  but  not  of  it.  These  allowances  must  be  made 
before  we  begin  to  judge  the  success  of  the  Holy  Experi- 
ment. They  are  not  to  be  debited  as  reproaches  or  as 
failure  ;  they  are  to  be  counted  among  the  disadvantages 
the  colony  brought  from  the  Old  World,  against  which  the 
free  spirit  had  to  struggle,  and  which  brought  all  his  life 
poverty  and  sorrow  to  William  Penn.  He  might  have 
been  a  happy  and  successful  Colonial  governor  ;  he  might 
have  been  an  active  and  powerful  English  leader  in 
religion  and  the  State.  His  misfortune,  or  his  great  call, 
was  that  he  had  to  be  both. 

Complaints  against  the  Lieutenant  Governor  for 
condoning  smuggling  were  kept  up  by  Colonel  Quarry, 
the  British  Revenue  officer,  in  his  reports  to  the 
Government.  Quarry  was  the  head  of  all  the  dis- 
contented, and  used  Markham's  frailties,  whatever  they 
might  have  been  or  could  be  represented  to  be,  to  weaken 
the  Proprietary  Government.  The  state  of  tension 
between  Markham  and  Quarry  on  the  Delaware  spread  to 
a  similar  state  between  Penn  and  the  Lords  of  Planta- 
tions. Finally,  when  Markham  was  accused  of  refusing 
to  capture  a  pirate  vessel  in  the  river,  the  Council  of  Trade 
and  Plantations  deposed  him.  Penn,  having  heard  of 
this  coming  blow,  sent  word  that  he  was  going  over 
himself,  of  which  the  Council  cordially  approved. 


The   Battle  of  Life 

We  return  to  England  where  we  left  William  Penn  in 
hiding  under  a  warrant  for  treason.  Liberation  finally 
came  at  the  close  of  1693,  and  it  cannot  be  told  of  better 
than  by  Penn  himself  in  a  letter  to  Thomas  Lloyd  and 
others  : 

"  Hodson,*  nth  of  loth  mo.,  1693. 

"  Friends  : — This  comes  by  the  Pennsylvania  Merchant, 

Harrison,  commander,  and  C.  Saunders,  merchant.  By  them 
and  this,  know,  that  it  hath  pleased  God  to  work  my  enlargement, 
by  three  lords  representing  my  case  as  not  only  hard,  but 
oppressive ;  that  there  was  nothing  against  me  but  what  im- 
postors or  those  that  are  fled,  or  that  have,  since  their  pardon, 
refused  to  verify,  (and  asked  me  pardon  for  saying  what  they  did,) 
alleged  against  me  ;  that  they  had  long  known  me,  some  of  them 
thirty  years,  and  had  never  known  me  to  do  an  ill  thing,  but  many 
good  offices  ;  and  that  for  not  being  thought  to  go  abroad  in 
defiance  to  the  government,  I  might  and  would  have  done  it  two 
years  ago  ;  and  that  I  was,  therefore,  willing  to  wait  to  go  about 
my  affairs,  as  before,  with  leave  ;  that  I  might  be  the  better 
respected  in  the  liberty  I  took  to  follow  it. 

"  King  WilUam  answered,  '  That  I  was  his  old  acquaintance, 
as  well  as  theirs  ;  and  that  I  might  follow  my  business  as  freely 
as  ever  ;  and  that  he  had  nothing  to  say  to  me,' — upon  which  they 
pressed  him  to  command  one  of  them  to  declare  the  same  to  the 
secretary  of  state,  Sir  John  Trenchard,  that  if  I  came  to  him  or 
otherwise,  he  might  signify  the  same  to  me,  which  he  also  did. 

*  Hoddesdon,  doubtless. 


The  lords  were  Rochester,  Ranelagh,  and  Sidney ;  and  the  last, 
as  my  greatest  acquaintance,  was  to  tell  the  secretary  ;  accord- 
ingly he  did  ;  and  the  secretary,  after  speaking  himself,  and  having 
it  from  King  WilHam's  own  mouth,  appointed  me  a  time  to  meet 
him  at  home  ;  and  did  with  the  Marquis  of  Winchester,  and  told 
me  I  was  as  free  as  ever ;  and  as  he  doubted  not  my  prudence 
about  my  quiet  living,  for  he  assured  me  I  should  not  be  molested, 
or  injured  in  any  of  my  affairs,  at  least  while  he  held  that  post. 
The  secretary  is  my  old  friend,  and  one  I  served  after  the  D.  of 
Monmouth  and  Lord  Russell's  business ;  I  carried  him  in  my 
coach  to  Windsor,  and  presented  him  to  King  James  ;  and  when 
the  Revolution  came,  he  bought  my  four  horses  that  carried  us. 
It  was  about  three  or  four  months  before  the  Revolution.  The 
lords  spoke  the  25th  of  November,  and  he  discharged  me  on  the 

"  From  the  secretary  I  went  to  our  meeting,  at  the  Bull  and 
Mouth  ;  thence  to  visit  the  sanctuary  of  my  solitude  ;  and  after 
that  to  see  my  poor  wife  and  children  ;  the  eldest  being  with  me 
all  this  while.  My  wife  is  yet  weakly ;  but  I  am  not  without 
hopes  of  her  recovery,  who  is  of  the  best  of  wives  and  women. 

"  Your  real  friend, 

"  William  Penn." 

A  private  liberation  was  not  entirely  satisfactory  and 
the  injured  man  pleaded  for  a  full  acquittal.  This  was 
granted.  He  came  before  the  Council,  made  a  full 
defence  and  was  formally  acquitted.  By  1693,  no  doubt, 
William  felt  secure  on  the  throne. 

But  he  only  regained  liberty  to  meet  another  affliction, 
the  death  of  his  wife.  She  had  long  been  failing,  and  the 
sufferings  of  her  husband,  and  the  dishonour  done  to 
him,  had  weighed  heavily  upon  her.  She  died  on 
February  23rd,  1693-4.  She  has  left  a  lovely  name 
behind  her  for  goodness  and  charm  :  and  she  was  the 
centre  of  her  husband's  love  and  home.  W^e  have  not 
much  of  her  writing  left,  except  a  letter  or  two  to  Margaret 
Fox,  breathing  the  Quaker  atmosphere  of  the  time.  She 
died  at  fifty,  and  three  of  her  children  died  in  infancy. 


She  had  never  been  robust ;  even  in  her  childhood  her 
mother  lived  in  the  country  on  her  account.  Shortly  before 
her  birth  her  mother  had  made  a  painful  and  dangerous 
journey  over  flooded  fords  by  night,  to  the  deathbed  of 
her  husband  who  was  laid  low  with  fever  at  Arundel 
Castle.  Of  the  children  left  to  her,  Springett  was  already' 
weakening  in  slow  consumption.  William  Penn  wrote  an 
account  of  her  last  days  and  collected,  as  has  been  the 
wont  of  the  religious,  her  last  devout  sayings.  He 
concludes  thus  : 

"  About  an  hour  after,  causing  all  to  withdraw,  we  were  half 
an  hour  together,  in  which  we  took  our  last  leave,  sajdng  all  that 
was  fit  upon  that  solemn  occasion.  She  continued  sensible,  and 
did  eat  something  about  an  hour  before  her  departure,  at  which 
time  our  children  and  most  of  our  family  were  present.  She 
quietly  expired  in  my  arms,  her  head  upon  my  bosom,  with  a 
sensible  and  devout  resignation  of  her  soul  to  Almighty  God. 
I  hope  I  may  say  she  was  a  public  as  well  as  a  private  loss  :  for 
she  was  not  only  an  excellent  wife  and  mother,  but  an  entire  and 
constant  friend,  of  a  more  than  common  capacity,  and  greater 
modesty  and  humility  ;  yet  most  equal,  and  undaunted  in  danger  ; 
religious,  as  well  as  ingenious,  without  affectation  ;  an  easy 
mistress  and  good  neighbour,  especially  to  the  poor ;  neither 
lavish  nor  penurious  ;  but  an  example  of  industry,  as  well  as  of 
other  virtues  :  therefore,  our  great  loss,  though  her  eternal  gain." 

Agnes  Strickland,  in  her  "  Lives  of  the  Queens  of 
England,"  tells  a  curious  story  to  the  effect  that  each  year, 
Madam  Penn  was  in  the  habit  of  visiting  the  exiled  Queen 
Maria  Beatrice  d'Este  and  her  husband,  at  S.  Germains, 
and  taking  her  a  number  of  little  presents  from  personal 
friends  in  England,  maintaining  her  political  integrity 
the  while  by  always  declaring  that  the  revolution  was 
necessary.  The  authority  given  for  this  is  Kennersley's 
"  Life  of  Penn,"  1740,  a  book  I  have  never  heard  of,  nor  is 
it  in  Joseph  Smith's  Catalogue.  But  the  story  may  easily 
be  true,  and  is  repeated,  without  being  vouched  for,  by 
Janney  (p.  388).     So  far  as  we  know  such  visits  of   Guli 


Penn's  were  never  made  any  ground  of  suspicion  against 
her  husband.  And  if  they  were  paid  there  were  strong 
reasons  for  not  letting  them  be  generally  known. 

The  summer  of  1694  was  the  close  of  an  epoch  in  our 
Friend's  life — a  six  years'  time  of  persecution  and  suffer- 
ing. He  was  again  a  free  man  with  reputation  restored, 
and  influence  and  standing  with  it.  His  province  was 
again  under  his  government,  and  entering  upon  a  period 
free  from  faction.  Criticism  of  his  political  activities 
we  do  not  hear  of  at  this  time  among  Friends.  Not  that 
his  life  was  prosperous  even  now.  He  was  short  of 
money  and  a  widower  with  a  delicate  son  and  two 
younger  children  to  look  after.  For  some  time  after 
Guli's  death  at  the  end  of  February,  he  was  at  home 
looking  after  the  children  and  making  new  domestic 

During  this  time  the  publication,  after  drastic  editing 
by  Thomas  Ellwood  and  others,  of  the  Journal  of 
George  Fox  was  going  forward  ;  and  who  but  William 
Penn  should  be  asked  to  write  a  preface  to  it  ?  The 
duty  was  taken  in  hand  with  zeal,  and  the  preface  grew 
to  the  dimensions  of  a  book,  afterwards  published 
separately  under  the  title  of  The  Rise  and  Progress  of 
the  People  called  Quakers.  It  was  another  of  the 
author's  standard  and  popular  books  ;  it  ran  to  eighteen 
editions  in  England,  Ireland  and  America,  and  was' 
translated  into  four  foreign  languages.  The  last  edition 
in  England  was  in  1834  and  in  Philadelphia  in  1855. 

It  is  a  thoroughly  well-written  book.  It  begins  with 
the  perfect  condition  of  man  in  Eden,  then  sin,  the  Law 
of  Moses,  the  prophets  and  the  Christian  Gospel,  its 
corruption  under  Constantine,  the  rise  of  sects,  Protes- 
tants, Baptists,  Seekers,  Ranters,  and  then,  with  fulness, 
an  account  of  the  Society  of  Friends,  its  central  principle 
of  the  Light  of  Christ  Within,  and  all  that  followed 
from  it  in  principles  and  practice  and  church  order ; 
some   history  of  the  first  age  of  Quakerism,   and  some 


hortatory  matter.  Its  character-sketch  of  George  Fox 
is  the  most  valuable  passage  in  the  book,  and  is  indeed 
our  best  outside  testimony  to  the  kind  of  man  he  was. 
Parts  of  it  must  be  quoted  here. 

"  He  was  a  Man  that  God  endued  with  a  Clear  and  Wonderful 
Depth ;  a  Discerner  of  others'  Spirits,  and  very  much  a  Master 
of  his  own.  And  tho'  that  Side  of  his  Understanding  which  lay 
next  to  the  World,  and  especially  the  Expression  of  it,  might 
sound  Uncouth  and  Unfashionable  to  nice  Ears,  his  Matter  was 
nevertheless  very  profound  ;  and  would  not  only  bear  to  be 
often  consider'd,  but  the  more  it  was  so,  the  more  Weighty 
and  Instructing  it  appear'd.  And  as  Abruptly  and  Brokenly, 
as  sometimes  his  Sentences  would  seem  to  fall  from  him,  about 
Divine  Things,  it  is  well  known  they  were  often  as  Texts  to  many 
fairer  Declarations.  And  indeed,  it  shewed,  beyond  all  Contra- 
diction, that  God  sent  him  ;  in  that  no  Art  or  Parts  had  any  share 
in  the  Matter  or  Manner  of  his  Ministry  ;  and  that  so  many  great 
Excellent  and  Necessary  Truths,  as  he  came  forth  to  Preach  to 
Mankind,  had  therefore  nothing  of  Man's  Wit  or  Wisdom  to 
recommend  them.  So  that  as  to  Man  he  was  an  Original,  being 
no  Man's  Copy.  And  his  Ministry  and  Writings  shew  they  are 
from  one  that  was  not  Taught  of  Man,  nor  had  Learned  what  he 
said  by  Study.  Nor  were  they  Notional  or  Speculative,  but 
sensible  and  practical  Truths,  tending  to  Conversion  and  Re- 
generation, and  the  setting  up  of  the  Kingdom  of  God  in  the 
Hearts  of  Men  ;  and  the  Way  of  it  was  his  Work.  So  that  I  have 
many  Times  been  overcome  in  my  self,  and  been  made  to  say, 
with  m)^  Lord  and  Master,  upon  the  hke  Occasion,  I  thank  thee, 
O  Father,  Lord  of  Heaven  and  Earth,  that  thou  hast  hid  these 
things  from  the  Wise  and  Prudent  of  this  World,  and  revealed 
them  to  Babes.  For  many  Times  hath  my  Soul  bowed  in  an 
Humble  Thankfulness  to  the  Lord  that  he  did  not  choose  any  of 
the  Wise  and  Learned  of  this  World  to  be  the  first  Messengers 
in  our  Age  of  his  blessed  Truth  to  Men  ;  but  that  he  took  one 
that  was  not  of  High  Degree,  or  Elegant  Speech,  or  Learned 
after  the  Way  of  this  World,  that  his  Message  and  Work  he 
sent  him  to  do  might  come  with  less  Suspicion,  or  Jealousy  of 
Human  Wisdom  and  Interest,  and  with  more  Force  and  Clear- 
ness upon  the  Consciences  of  those  that  sincerely  sought  the  Way 


of  Truth  in  the  Love  of  it.  I  say,  beholding  with  the  Eye  of  my 
Mind,  which  the  God  of  Heaven  had  opened  in  me,  the  Marks  of 
God's  Finger  and  Hand  visibly,  in  this  Testimony,  from  the 
Clearness  of  the  Principle,  the  Power  and  Efficacy  of  it,  in  the 
Exemplary  Sobriety,  Plainness,  Zeal,  Steadiness,  Humility, 
Gravity,  Punctuality,  Charity,  and  circumspect  Care  in  the 
Government  of  Church  Affairs,  which  shined  in  his  and  their 
Life  and  Testimony  that  God  employ 'd  in  this  Work,  it  greatly 
confirmed  me  that  it  was  of  God,  and  engaged  my  Soul  in  a  deep 
Love,  Fear,  Reverence  and  Thankfulness  for  his  Love  and  Mercy 
therein  to  Mankind  ;  In  which  Mind  I  remain,  and  shall,  I  hope, 
through  the  Lord's  Strength,  to  the  End  of  My  Days." 

At  this  time  was  first  published  the  account  of  Penn's 
travels  in  Holland  and  Germany  in  1677  ;  which  had  lain 
in  privacy  ever  since.  We  may  perhaps  take  it  as  a 
sign  that  he  had  at  this  time  a  public  who  bought  his 

He  was  much  struck  by  a  book  he  read  in  these 
months  at  home,  a  "  Harmony  of  the  Old  and  New 
Testaments,"  by  a  Friend  named  John  Tomkins.  It  roused 
his  interest  in  the  Jews,  whom  he,  like  others,  regarded  as 
suffering  for  having  caused  the  death  of  Jesus.  He  wrote 
them  an  affectionate  appeal,  and  an  argument  why  they 
should  embrace  Christianity.  It  was  called  a  Visitation 
to  the  Jews,  and  was  printed  as  an  Appendix  to  Tomkins's 

He  was  now  able  to  resume  what  we  may  regard  as 
his  normal  way  of  life  as  a  Quaker  minister  of  the  Gospel. 
Three  years  in  the  "  sanctuary  of  his  solitude "  had 
doubtless  been  used  to  fill  his  mind  and  soul  with  fresh 
thought  and  power.  He  returned  refreshed  to  travel  in 
the  ministry  through  the  western  counties,  then  the 
centre  of  the  woollen  manufacture.  Crowds  attended  his 
meetings  everywhere,  for  he  must  have  been  one  of  the 
most  famous  men  in  England ;  and  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania,  the  friend  of  King  James,  the  well  known 
author,  going  round  preaching  Quakerism,  that  strange 


revolutionary  doctrine,  was  a  man  not  to  be  missed  when 
he  came  to  one's  quiet  town.  A  volume  of  his  sermons 
given  in  London  Meeting  Houses  and  taken  down  in 
shorthand,  was  published — which  implies  a  certain  public 
interest.  He  travelled  through  Dorset,  Somerset, 
Gloucestershire  and  Devon.  There  were  very  large 
meetings  at  Bristol.  At  Somerton  the  market  house, 
though  large,  was  not  large  enough,  and  the  meeting  was 
held  in  the  fields.  The  mayors  of  towns  "  for  the  respect 
they  had  to  him  "  generally  granted  the  use  of  the  Town 
Hall.     He  was  away  from  home  over  four  months. 

At  the  beginning  of  1695  we  find  Penn  acting  for  the 
Society  in  presenting  a  petition  to  be  allowed  to  afhrm 
in  lieu  of  taking  an  oath.  He  was  able  to  plead  con- 
vincingly as  to  Friends'  veracity  ;  but  as  few  wished  to 
favour  Quakers,  the  appeal,  then  and  long  after,  fell 
upon  deaf  ears. 

He  then  returned  to  travelling  in  the  ministry.  At 
Melksham,  in  Wilts,  an  open  air  dispute  was  held  between 
John  Plympton,  a  Baptist,  and  John  Clark,  a  Quaker,  on 
five  subjects — the  Universality  of  Grace,  Baptism,  the 
Lord's  Supper,  Perfection,  and  the  Resurrection.  With 
such  a  comprehensive  programme  one  is  not  surprised 
that  the  debate  lasted  all  day.  Joseph  Besse's  Quaker 
version  is  that  though  the  people  were  against  the  Baptist 
"  he  continued  to  cavil  on  and  would  not  be  silenced." 
At  length,  evening  coming  on,  William  Penn  rose  up,  and 
in  the  words  of  a  spectator,  "  breaking  hke  a  thunderstorm 
over  his  head  in  testimony  to  the  people,"  who  were 
numerous,  concluded  the  dispute.*  Besse  tells  us  that  he 
concluded  the  Meeting  with  prayer.  He  had  an  adven- 
ture at  Wells,  whence  an  invitation  had  reached  him, 
though  there  were  no  Friends  there.  Leave  had  to  be 
asked  from  the  Bishop,  who  kindly  sanctioned  the  meeting. 
Friends  engaged  the  market  hall  ;  but  next  day,  when  the  time 
came  they  were  kept  out,  "for  some  of  the  opposition 

*  Clarkson,  ii.,  p.  152. 


party  in  the  town  who  had  been  drinking  CoL  Berkley's 
election,  all  the  day  before,  had  turned  the  clerk  of  the 
market  against  them."  They  therefore,  with  the 
consent  of  the  friendly  Bishop,  and  of  the  landlord, 
used  the  Crown  Inn,  where  they  were  staying,  which  had 
a  convenient  balcony  overlooking  the  market  place. 
Meantime  the  people  had  broken  in  to  the  Market  Hall, 
and  Friends  had  to  invite  them  out  into  the  market  place, 
to  the  number  of  two  or  three  thousand.  While  Penn  was 
preaching  from  the  balcony,  a  constable  pressed  through 
the  crowd,  into  the  Inn,  up  to  the  large  room  where 
Friends  were,  arrested  the  preacher  on  the  balcony,  and 
took  him  to  the  magistrates.  There  the  licence  from  the 
Bishop  confounded  the  blundering  authorities,  and  Penn 
was  released  with  an  apology.  Friends  hired  a  house  of 
their  own  and  held  several  meetings  there.  Such  was 
a  disturbance  which,  long  ago,  ruffled  the  serenity  of 
that  calm  little  cathedral  town.  It  shows  how  great  was 
the  value  of  the  Toleration  Act,  and  how  far  ahead  it  was 
of  magisterial  opinion  in  some  places. 

Penn  sta3^ed  some  time  in  Bristol,  a  stay  explicable 
a  page  or  two  further  on,  then,  by  way  of  London,  home 
to  Worminghurst,  to  nurse  his  eldest  boy,  Springett. 
The  care  of  the  motherless  invalid  was  an  absorbing 
task  in  these  days.  He  was  a  lad  of  noble  parts  and  of  a 
spiritual  nature  like  his  parents.  He  lingered  under  slow 
consumption  in  increasing  weakness  till  February, 
1696-7,  and  died  in  his  father's  arms  at  the  age  of  twenty. 

Of  him  the  bereaved  father  wrote  : 

"  My  very  dear  child  and  eldest  son,  Springett  Penn,  did  from 
his  childhood  manifest  a  disposition  to  goodness,  and  gave  me 
hope  of  a  more  than  ordinary  capacity ;  and  time  satisfied 
me  in  both  respects.  For,  besides  a  good  share  of  learning  and 
mathematical  knowledge,  he  showed  a  judgment  in  the  use  and 
application  of  it  much  above  his  years.  He  had  the  seeds  of  many 
good  qualities  rising  in  him,  that  made  him  beloved  and  conse- 
quently lamented  ;    but  especially  his  humility,  plainness  and 


truth,  with  a  tenderness  and  softness  of  nature,  which  if  I  may  say 
it,  were  an  improvement  upon  his  other  good  quahties.  .  .  . 
"  Two  or  three  days  before  his  departure  he  called  his  brother 
to  him,  and  looking  awfully  upon  him,  said,  '  Be  a  good  boy,  and 
know  that  there  is  a  God,  a  great  and  mighty  God,  who  is  a 
rewarder  of  the  righteous,  and  so  he  is  of  the  wicked,  but  their 
rewards  are  not  the  same.  Have  a  care  of  idle  people  and  idle 
company,  and  love  good  company  and  good  Friends,  and  the 
Lord  will  bless  thee.  I  have  seen  good  things  for  thee  since  my 
sickness,  if  thou  dost  but  fear  the  Lord  ;  and  if  I  should  not 
live  (though  the  Lord  is  all-sufificient),  remember  what  I  say  to 
thee  when  I  am  dead  and  gone.  Poor  child,  the  Lord  bless  thee  ! 
Come  and  kiss  me  !  '  which  melted  us  all  into  great  tenderness, 
but  his  brother  more  particularly." 

A  young  fellow  of  the  same  spiritual  type  in  our  time 
would  not  leave  dying  sa5dngs  like  this,  for  his  friends  to 
record.  He  would  be  shy  of  doing  so — it  would  feel 
silly  and  hypocritical.  But  Springett  spoke  his  natural 
thoughts  in  the  language  natural  to  him.  Here  we  see, 
on  a  small  scale,  but  definitely,  the  great  distinction 
between  William  Penn  and  thyself,  gentle  reader:  between 
the  earnest  men  of  the  seventeenth  century,  who  created 
Quakerism  out  of  a  mighty  religious  consciousness,  and 
the  quieter  faith,  or  hesitating  conclusions,  of  us  their 
successors,  and  of  our  like-minded  contemporaries.  We 
have  lost  very  greatly  in  zeal  and  power  ;  but  it  is  no  use 
trying  to  go  back.  May  it  be  ours  to  build  up  out  of  the 
data  of  the  modern  world  a  consciousness  of  an  Indwelling 
Spirit  so  moving  and  mighty  that  in  its  strength  we  too 
may  have  our  heroes  of  faith. 

William,  the  only  son  left,  had  none  of  the  gifts  and 
qualities  of  his  father,  who  was  after  all  not  typical  of  the 
ordinary  stock  of  the  Penns.  Religion  meant  nothing  to 
him,  but  the  pleasures  of  the  world  much  ;  an  adventurous, 
high  spirited  youth.  Sprinqett's  dying  exhortation  may 
have  had  some  sad  foresight  in  it.  His  dissipations,  his 
debts,   and    his    one    adventure    into    the    sober   life   of 


Philadelphia,  were  a  great  burden  on  his  father's  hopes. 
For  to  him  Pennsylvania  would  descend. 

Fears  of  this  kind  would,  at  any  rate,  not  discourage 
William  Penn  in  contemplating  a  second  marriage. 
That  age  was  brief  in  its  record  of  such  matters  ;  and  we 
are  told  that  on  March  5th,  1655-6,  two  years  from  the 
death  of  his  first  wife,  and  two  weeks  before  the  death  of 
Springett,  William  Penn  was  married  at  Bristol  to  Hannah 
Callowhill,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  Callowhill,  and  grand- 
daughter of  Dennis  Hollister,  both  leading  merchants  and 
Friends  of  Bristol.  She  was  just  under  thirty-two. 
There  are  streets  in  Bristol  which  bear  Pennsylvanian 
names,  and  are  built  on  land  which  belonged  to  her  family. 
Second  marriages  rarely  escape  criticism,  and  this  did 
not.  But,  speaking  in  general  terms,  one  can  see  the 
need  which  a  widower  aged  fifty-one,  with  two  young 
children,  and  constant  public  calls  from  home,  must 
have  felt  for  some  one  to  mother  his  children,  apart 
from  the  central  personal  attachment. 

He  was,  however,  as  warm  and  whole  hearted  in  love 
as  in  other  affairs.  Ten  of  his  letters  during  courtship 
have  been  preserved  by  the  Pennsylvania  Historical 
Society,  and  on  them  Howard  M.  Jenkins  comments  : — * 

"  The  letters  preserved  (of  course  by  Hannah  Callowhill)  are 
some  ten  in  number  ;  one  or  two,  though  addressed  on  the  outside 
to  her  father,  appear  to  be  intended  for  her.  They  convey  many 
ardent  representations  of  regard,  and  earnestly  urge  her  not  to 
delay  the  marriage.  Some  passages  suggest  the  thought  that  the 
wooer  was  more  in  love  than  the  lady,  but  we  may  reflect  that  he 
was  a  fluent  letter-writer.  In  one  letter  he  says, '  This  is  my 
eighth  letter  to  thy  fourth,  since  I  saw  thee.'  A  few  days  later, 
'  This  is  my  tenth  letter  to  thy  fourth,  which  is  a  disproportion 
I  might  begin  a  Httle  to  reproach  thee  for,  but  I  do  it  so  gently, 
and  with  so  much  affection  that  I  hope  it  will  prevail  with  thee 
to  mend  thy  pace.'  One  or  two  letters  at  the  close  of  the  series 
just  before  the  marriage,  discuss  details  of  house-keeping,  the 
style  and  furnishing  of  a  carriage,  etc." 

*  "  Family  of  William  Penn,"  p.  68n. 


All  accounts  represent  Hannah  Penn  as  an  excellent 
and  capable  woman,  much  liked  in  Pennsylvania,  who 
developed  remarkable  business  gifts  as  need  arose.  The 
marriage  resulted  in  a  family  of  six  young  children,  with 
corresponding  expense.  It  also  had  far-reaching  con- 
sequences for  Pennsylvania.  Hannah  and  her  daughter- 
in-law  Letitia  did  not  wish  to  banish  themselves  from 
England  to  settle  permanently  on  the  Delaware  as  the 
Founder  had  always  hoped  to  do. 

William  Penn  was  much  at  home  with  his  newly- 
married  wife  during  1696,  and,  as  always  happened  in 
his  periods  of  outward  quietness,  he  went  on  with  his 
tireless  Quaker  propaganda,  and  wrote  another  book, 
not  different  in  subject  or  manner  from  others  which  had 
gone  before  it,  but  written  as  a  short  and  popular  work, 
which  might  be  distributed.  It  was  called  (in  short  titled 
Primitive  Christianity  Revived.  It  was  a  treatise  on  the 
Indwelling  Light  of  Christ,  and  the  developments  of  that 
doctrine.  It  occupies  twenty-one  folio  pages,  closely 
printed.  It  was  reprinted  in  England,  in  seven  editions, 
till  about  1800  ;  and  in  Philadelphia  half  a  century  later, 
and  translated  into  Welsh  and  into  German  about  the 
time  it  ceased  to  be  reprinted  in  England.  It  was  sold 
bound  for  a  shilling,  in  a  catalogue  of  1722. 

A  more  directly  controversial  task  came  to  him  in 
consequence  of  the  actions  of  George  Keith,  who  came 
back  to  London,  gathered  a  cone^regation  in  Turner's  Hall, 
Philpot  Lane,  under  the  name  of  Christian  Quakers,  and  con- 
stantly challenged  Friends  to  dispute  with  him.  So  finally 
William  Penn  wrote  a  book  called  More  Work  for  George 
Keith,  in  which  he  opposed  to  the  present  teaching,  George 
Keith's  own  defences  of  the  very  Quaker  positions  he  now 
attacked,  copying  them  from  the  Hicks  and  Kiffin  con- 
troversies of  1674  ;  the  "  more  work  "  being  the  task  of 
replying  to  himself.  The  preface  gave  a  description  of 
Keith's  restless  and  quarrelsome  spirit.  For  some  reason 
Joseph  Besse  did  not  include  this  among  Penn's  Collected 

"Place"    Porikait   ok    IIann/.h    Pi:nn. 
(Si'c  page  330.; 




Works,  though  he  warmly  approved  of  it.  Perhaps  he 
regarded  it,  as  it  was,  of  ephemeral  interest.  The  Rev. 
George  Keith  was  employed  by  the  Church  as  agent  for 
the  "  Propagation  Society,  "  a  disputatious  business  for 
which  he  was  fitted.  He  died  as  Rector  of  Edburton,  in 
Sussex,  in  1716.  The  titles  of  his  pubHshed  books, 
tracts  and  sermons  occupy  twenty-four  pages  in  Joseph 
Smith's  catalogue.  After  this  Penn  wrote  nothing  for 
publication  for  two  years  ;  indeed  the  harvest  of  his  life's 
literary  output  was  now  nearly  reaped. 

At  this  time  Peter  the  Great,  Tsar  of  Muscovy,  was 
serving  his  apprenticeship  to  his  business  as  an  Emperor, 
by  learning  shipbuilding  in  the  Royal  Dock  at  Deptford, 
as  a  common  workman.  He  took  his  times  of  relaxation 
at  a  house  "  at  the  bottom  of  York  Buildings,  where 
Prince  Menzikoff  attended  him,  and  whence  he  issued 
on  social  visits." 

Friends  have  always  had  a  certain  drawing  towards 
interviews  with  monarchs  for  their  good.  This  was 
not  in  those  days  snobbishness  nor  toadyism,  as  might  be 
supposed.  Their  courageous  interviews,  with  a  view  to 
preach  the  gospel,  would  never  have  been  ventured  upon 
by  people  very  much  impressed  by  rank,  or  valuing  Royal 
receptions  as  feathers  in  their  caps.  The  impersonal 
character  of  these  embassies  for  Christ  gave  them  their 
place  and  their  value.  It  was  well  worth  while  to  influence 
these  men  in  power,  and  a  King  was  really  nobody  to  be 
afraid  of  ;  the  same  spirit  was  in  him  and  us.  So  Thomas 
Story  and  Gilbert  Molleson  obtained  access  to  the  young 
Tsar.  He  knew  no  English,  only  Russian  and  German, 
so  they  had  to  speak  through  an  interpreter — they 
presented  copies  of  Barclay's  Apology  in  Latin  ;  but  found 
that  that  was  no  use  either.  The  Tsar  asked  them  why 
they  kept  on  their  hats  instead  of  honouring  monarchs 
in  the  usual  way — a  natural  first  question  for  a  monarch — 
and  then  what  use  they  would  be  to  any  kingdom  seeing 
they  could  not  bear  arms — a  natural  second  question. 


Thomas  Story  gave  such  answer  as  one  might  expect. 
WilHam  Penn,  who  could  speak  German  fluently,  along 
with  George  Whitehead  and  three  other  Friends,  now 
went  to  see  the  Tsar  at  Deptford,  and  gave  him  some 
Friends'  books  in  German.  The  ease  of  direct  talk  with  a 
courtly  and  distinguished  Englishman  made  this  con- 
versation more  fruitful  than  the  previous  one,  and  led  to 
the  Tsar  attending  meeting  at  Deptford  not  unfrequently, 
standing  up  and  sitting  down  decorously  with  Friends. 
Penn  had  two  interviews  altogether,  as  appears  from  a 
letter  of  exhortation  he  wrote  to  Peter  in  September  of 
the  following  year,  1698.  The  impression  the  Society 
made  was  note  vanescent,  for  fifteen  years  afterwards, 
in  1712,  when  at  Frederickstadt  in  Holstein,  with  an  army, 
he  enquired  whether  there  were  any  Quakers  there ; 
and  finding  that  there  were,  he  cleared  his  soldiers  out 
of  the  Meeting  House  where  they  were  billeted,  and  asked 
that  a  Friends'  Meeting  might  be  appointed,  which  was 
attended  by  the  Tsar  and  his  train  of  Generals  and  Grand 
Dukes.  Philip  Defair  preached,  and  Peter  gave  a 
summary  of  it  to  his  suite,  and  said  that  "  whosoever 
would  live  according  to  that  doctrine  would  be  happy."* 
I  fear,  however,  that  if  Peter  the  Great  had  joined 
Friends  he  would  have  had  to  be  disowned  several  times 
over  ! 

This  year,  1697,  a  bill  against  blasphemy  was  before 
the  House  of  Lords.  Under  this  specious  title  was  hidden 
an  attempt  to  punish  all  who  denied  the  Doctrine  of  the 
three  Persons  of  the  Trinity.  Penn  wrote  a  cautionary 
letter,  which  he  circulated  among  the  Peers,  and  the  bill 
was  dropped. 

The  same  year  he  removed  from  Worminghurst,  his 
home  for  most  of  his  former  married  life,  to  Bristol,  where 
lived  all  the  family  of  Hannah,  and  we  must  regard  him 
now  for  a  while  as  a  Bristol  Friend  when  he  was  at 

♦  Thomas  Story's  Journal  is  the  authority  for  much  of  this  narrative. 

"Place"    Portrait  ok   William    Penn. 
(See  page  330.) 


The  year  1698  was  not  so  crowded  with  events  as  had 
been  many  of  its  predecessors,  but  in  the  lives  of  most  men 
it  would  have  been  considered  an  exciting  and  eventful 
period.  It  was  mainly  occupied  with  a  ministerial  visit 
to  Ireland.  He  had  not  seen  Friends  there,  nor  his 
Shangarry  tenants,  for  thirty  years.  With  him  went 
Thomas  Story  and  John  Everott,  ministers  under  the 
same  concern.  All  we  know  of  the  visit  comes  from 
the  Journal  of  Thomas  Story,  where  it  is  told  at  length. 
They  attended  the  half  yearly  meeting  at  Dublin,  which 
the  presence  of  William  Penn  caused  "  to  be  attended  by 
people  of  all  ranks  and  professions."  We  read  that  he 
was  "  ever  furnished  by  the  Truth  with  matter  fully  to 
answer  their  expectations."  The  Dean  of  Derry  was 
there,  and  was  asked  by  his  Bishop  whether  he  had  heard 
anything  but  blasphemy  and  nonsense,  and  whether  he 
took  off  his  hat  in  time  of  prayer.  He  replied  that  "  he 
heard  no  blasphemy  nor  nonsense,  but  the  everlasting 
truth,  and  did  not  only  take  off  his  hat  at  prayer,  but  his 
heart  said  Amen  to  what  he  had  heard."  Penn's  old 
opponent  from  Melksham,  John  Plympton  the  Baptist, 
was  in  Dublin  circulating  a  pamphlet  A  Quaker  no 
Christian,  on  the  usual  lines,  representing  that  what 
Friends  omitted  was  vital  to  correct  theology.  Penn 
replied  with  a  pamphlet  The  Quaker  a  Christian,  and 
a  short  explanatory  tract  called  Gospel  Truths,  signed  by 
himself,  Thomas  Story,  Anthony  Sharp  the  leading 
Dublin  Friend,  and  George  Rook.  He  reprinted  also 
the  eighth  and  ninth  chapters  of  Primitive  Christianity 
Revived.  Altogether  the  Protestant  community  in 
Dublin  must  have  had  much  to  consider,  in  speech  and 
writing,  of  Quaker  truth.  These  defensive  tracts  were 
not  outpourings  of  the  new  wine  of  Quaker  conviction 
on  which  the  Society  had  been  nourished  at  its  birth 
forty  years  before;  they  were  careful  statements  intended 
to  show  that  after  all  Friends  had  not  departed  from 
orthodox  Christianity.     This  tract,  Gospel  Truths,  includes 



a  belief  in  hell,  in  propitiation,  in  release  from  guilt  by 
the  death  of  Christ,  and  in  the  passage,  i  John  v.  7, 
about  the  three  that  bear  record  in  Heaven,  now  known 
to  be  spurious.  The  reprinted  chapters  of  Primitive 
Christianity  Revived  elaborate  the  same  theological  points. 
These  occur  among  much  besides  that  was  definitely 
characteristic  of  the  Quaker  reformation,  and  the  above 
doctrines  are  treated  in  a  more  spiritual,  one  may  say  in 
a  more  sensible  and  more  moral  way,  than  was  current, 
both  then  and  since.  That  was  why  all  this  fire  of 
controversy  from  Baptists  and  Bishops  and  from  George 
Keith  was  directed  against  them. 

In  Dublin  he  called  on  the  Lords  Justices  and  the  chief 
ministers  on  his  old  errand  of  securing  favour  and  pro- 
tection to  Friends.  Leaving  Dublin,  he  held  meetings 
at  Lambstown  and  Wexford  ;  and  was  passing  on  to  an 
appointed  meeting  at  Waterford  when  an  incident 
occurred  worth  telling  for  the  light  it  throws  on  Ireland 
under  the  Peace  of  Limerick.  The  (Protestants  Irish 
ParUament  had  passed  a  bill  by  which  no  Papist  might 
keep  a  horse  worth  more  than  five  guineas,  and  any 
Protestant  might  stop  a  Papist  in  the  street,  and  take 
away  his  horse  on  paying  live  guineas  in  presence  of  the 
nearest  magistrate.  The  Papist  was  also  punished  for 
having  or  even  riding  a  horse  worth  more  than  this  trifling 
price.  In  this  way  the  officers  of  the  army  were  accus- 
tomed to  get  good  horses  at  the  price  of  bad  ones.  As  the 
Quaker  company  rode  into  Ross  on  their  excellent  mounts 
two  young  officers  saw  their  chance.  For  the  law  counted 
all  Papists  who  refused  the  oath  of  allegiance.  Penn  and 
his  Friends  went  in  to  dinner  at  the  Inn,  ordering  their 
horses  to  be  ferried  over  while  they  dined.  But  Lieut. 
Wallis  and  Cornet  Montgomery  had  obtained  the  usual 
warrant,  and  taken  the  best  horses,  the  others  having 
already  crossed.  Dinner  over,  William  Penn,  his  son  and 
friends  approached  the  ferry  boat,  but  half  a  dozen 
dragoons  jumped  in  and  put  the  boat  off  in  a  rude  way. 


Penn,  not  knowing  of  the  deeds  of  these  gentry,  reproached 
their  oflicers  as  gentlemen  for  allowing  such  conduct. 
Then  the  horse-lifting  came  out.  Penn  hired  another 
boat  and  hurried  off  to  his  meeting,  leaving  his  friends 
to  recover  the  horses.  He  complained  to  the  Lords 
Justices  from  Waterford,  and  the  young  officers  were 
confined  to  their  rooms,  whence  they  begged  the 
Governor  of  Waterford  to  intercede  with  William  Penn 
on  their  behalf ;  and  by  request  of  the  unexpectedly 
formidable  Quaker  they  were  pardoned. 

William  Penn  just  arrived  at  Meeting  in  time  ;  one 
fears  he  must  have  been  somewhat  flurried,  and  not  in  the 
usual  gathered  spirit.  After  a  time  of  silence  he  spoke 
to  a  great  multitude  who  were  present.  The  Bishop 
and  several  of  his  clergy  contrived  to  hear  him  from 
a  garden  outside.  Meetings  followed  at  Clonmel, 
Youghal,  Cork  and  Bandon.  He  gave  five  days  to  visit- 
ing his  two  estates,  and  returned  to  Cork,  where  he  held 
many  crowded  meetings.  It  was  the  harvest  time  of 
much  earlier  sowing  in  tears.     At  one  meeting 

"  The  Lord  was  mightily  with  him  on  that  day,  clothing 
him  with  majesty,  holy  zeal,  and  divine  wisdom,  to  the  great 
satisfaction  of  Friends  there,  and  satisfaction  and  applause  of  the 

He  had  friendly  conference  with  the  Bishop  of  Cork,  and 
gave  him  a  copy  of  Gospel  Truths.  He  went  on  and  held 
meetings  at  Charleville,  Limerick  and  Birr,  Mountmellick, 
Edenderry  and  Lurgan  and  so  back  to  Dublin.  On  a 
second  journey  into  the  country  he  came  to  Cashel  on  an 
ordinary  meeting  day,  but  was  prevented  by  the  crowd 
from  getting  in,  so  sat  down  in  an  adjoining  room,  and 
wrote  a  few  letters.  When  a  Friend,  John  Vaughton, 
was  speaking,  the  Mayor  with  constables  appeared  near 
the  door  by  direction  of  the  Bishop  and  ordered  the 
meeting  to  separate.  John  Vaughton  claimed  the  privi- 
leges of  the  Toleration  Act,  and  a  special  permit  obtained 


before  they  left  London,  from  the  King.  Thomas  Story 
supported  this  ;  but  the  Mayor  pressed  forward  through 
the  throng.  WilHam  Penn,  from  the  adjoining  room, 
sent  him  a  message  to  come  to  him  ;  and  the  Mayor 
obeyed.  He  was  treated  with  courtesy  and  sent  to  the 
Bishop  to  ask  for  his  patience  till  after  meeting,  when 
Penn  would  call  upon  him.  Friends  afterwards  waited  on 
the  Bishop.  He  confessed  at  once,  that  going  to  his 
church  to  preach  that  morning  he  had  found  only  the 
mayor,  churchwardens  and  constables ;  the  congrega- 
tion having  gone  to  hear  the  Friends,  which  he  confessed 
had  made  him  angry,  and  he  had  sent  the  mayor  to  collect 
the  congregation.  Thus  did  the  Irishman  smooth  matters 
down  politely.  Nevertheless,  fearing  consequences,  he 
wrote  a  letter  to  the  Earl  of  Galway  and  other  Lords 
Justices  stating  that  "  Mr.  Penn  and  the  Quakers  had 
gathered  together  such  a  vast  multitude,  and  so  many 
armed  Papists,  that  it  struck  a  terror  into  him  and  the 
town."  This  letter  the  Earl  afterwards  showed  to 
William  Penn  ;  they  must  have  had  a  good  laugh  over 
it.  After  further  travelling  the  party  left  for  England, 
having  spent  some  three  months  in  Ireland. 

On  embarking  Penn  received  a  letter  from  the  Bishop 
of  Cork,  criticising  Gospel  Truths.  He  commended  Penn's 
acceptance  of  Christ  as  our  propitiation  and  redeemer 
from  the  guilt  of  sin.  "  Tis  the  first  time  I  have  heard  of 
it  among  you."  He  agreed  also  with  the  article  on  sub- 
mission to  Government.  As  to  the  rest  of  the  articles, 
there  was  not  enough  in  them  to  warrant  Friends  calling 
themselves  Christians.  As  soon  as  he  got  home,  William 
Penn  devoted  five  weeks  to  writing  a  reply  to  the  Bishop. 
This  was  the  last  of  his  many  books  explanatory  of 

As  it  seemed  right  to  give  a  fairly  full  account  of  the 
impact  of  Quakerism  on  popular  theology,  in  The  Sandy 
Foundation  Shaken,  so  it  may  be  right  to  explain  with 
some  care  this  vindication  of  Christian  orthodoxy  when 


Quaker  thought  had  become  established.  There  is  no 
straight  contradiction  between  the  consuming  lire  of 
reforming  youth,  and  the  more  pacific  meditations  of  the 
older  man.  But  there  is  a  clear  difference  of  emphasis, 
as  between  the  iconoclast  and  the  conciliator.  To  know 
what  the  meaning  and  spirit  of  Quakerism  is  we  must 
turn  to  the  earlier  work  ;  to  know  just  how  far  William 
Penn  and  his  Friends  still  assimilated  current  beliefs, 
we  can  turn  to  this  controversy  with  the  Bishop  of  Cork. 
It  does  not  of  course  follow  that  Penn's  exact  outfit  of 
beliefs  is  the  permanent  boundary  of  the  tenets  of 
Quakerism.  It  has  no  such  claim.  These  positions 
merely  mark  how  much  of  the  forest  the  Quaker  fire 
had  left  standing  at  that  epoch  :  they  show  how  far  the 
Quaker  analysis  had  proceeded.  It  is  the  analysis  itself, 
the  touchstone  of  the  Spirit,  that  constitutes  the  Quaker 

The  Bishop  was  rather  unreasonable.  He  attacked 
the  mere  leaflet  Gospel  Truths  with  its  eleven  short  para- 
graphs, because  it  did  not  happen  to  say  that  God  was 
the  creator  and  maintainer  of  the  universe,  and  did 
not  allude  to  the  Resurrection  or  the  Ascension.  One 
cannot  really  expect  a  full  account  of  the  universe  on  a 
sheet  of  note  paper.  But  the  Bishop's  idea  was 
"  Articles."  He  objected  that  the  doctrine  of  the 
Trinity  was  not  worked  ouc,  that  the  virgin  birth  was  not 
stated,  that  the  doctrine  of  the  Inward  Christ  was  a 
denial  of  the  Ascension,  and  of  Christ  sitting  now  on  the 
right  hand  of  the  throne.  The  Last  Judgment  was  not 
mentioned,  nor  any  end  of  the  world  at  all  hinted  at,  nor 
any  acceptance  of  the  "  One  Church,"  nor  of  the 
judgment  of  sinners.  He  counted  very  little  of  William 
Penn's  acceptance  of  "  hell,"  which  might  only  mean 
"  the  grave,"  a  very  poor  substitute.  This  needed  work- 
ing out  in  precise  detail.  A  belief  in  the  "  resurrection 
of  the  flesh"  was  necessary  to  salvation;  without  it 
"  all  other  points  of  faith  are  in  vain." 


Turning  to  positive  criticism  he  said  that  neither 
Friends  nor  any  one  else  knew  what  they  meant  by  the 
light  of  Christ  within  man.  He  denied  that  worship  can 
be  sufficient  if  only  inward  and  spiritual,  but  that  it 
must  be  bodily  and  congregational  also,  to  be  Christian. 
To  hear  the  plain  language,  particularly  in  the  form 
"  thee  doest "  would  "  almost  make  a  man's  stomach 

He  then  defends  Baptism  and  the  Supper  by  the 
usual  texts,  making  however  a  bad  slip  when  he  says 
that  "  Do  this  in  remembrance  of  me  "  occurs  four  times 
in  the  New  Testament.  It  occurs  in  i  Cor.  xi.  24,  and 
is  copied  thence  only  by  Luke.  He  says  he  writes  in 
much  compassion,  believing  Friends  to  be  a  harmless, 
well-meaning  people,  but  under  strong  delusions.  The 
delusion  causing  all  the  trouble  is  the  authority  of  the 
Inward  Light.  It  must  be  wrong  because  it  denied 
Scripture.  The  Scriptural  argument  in  favour  of  the 
ordinances  had  not  as  then  vanished  away  under  modern 
criticism,  and  the  early  Friends  had  no  good  answer  on 
the  literal  method.  He  finally  accuses  Friends  of  pre- 
tending mortification  and  renouncing  the  world,  "  while 
there  are  no  sort  of  men  alive  that  more  eagerly  pursue 
it,  nor  have  more  effectual,  wily  and  secret  ways  of  getting  : 
wealth  than  yourselves."  He  thinks  Friends  are  trying  to 
be  "  a  party  considerable  "  such  as  would  compel  the 
Government  to  give  them  peculiar  privileges.  He  thinks 
there  is  conceit  in  the  plain  dress,  "  for  it  is  plain  not  a  few 
of  your  peoples'  clothes,  as  to  materials,  are  more  costly 
than  many  of  ours."  It  is  very  early  to  find  these  familiar 
attacks  on  Friends'  business  capacity  and  nice  broadcloth. 

So  far  the  shocked  and  puzzled  Bishop.  He  was  as 
honest  and  kindly  an  opponent  as  this  history  has  yet 
encountered  in  this  century  of  religious  hatreds.  But  is 
there  any  other  profession  so  ignorant  of  its  subject  as 
these  clergy  ? 

He  was,   further,    irrelevant    and    unjust  ;    accusing 


Friends  of  ignoring  or  denying  much  that  they  beheved. 
There  was  plenty  to  reply  to,  and  through  twenty-eight  folio 
pages  William  Penn  took  the  Bishop  to  pieces,  very 
small  pieces,  no  word  or  phrase  omitted.  I  cannot  recom- 
mend his  Defence  as  sensational  reading.  Nevertheless, 
it  is  cogent  and  forcible  enough ;  but  its  blows  are  delivered 
in  a  world  now  far  away,  and  one  dimly  hears  their  thud. 
The  book  was  alive  in  its  time,  and  did  a  noble  and  famous 
service.  But  it  uses  too  many  words.  As  to  Justifica- 
tion, William  Penn  has  to  divide  it  into  two  processes, 
one  achieved  by  Christ,  under  which  God  can  justly  forgive 
us  ;  and  one  by  ourselves,  entering  with  cleanness  of 
heart  and  honest  purpose  into  a  holy  life.  Both  of  these 
are,  in  his  view,  essential — but  the  latter  particularly 
had  been  too  much  overlooked.  Perhaps  the  fullest  and 
most  forcible  passage,  out  of  many  on  this  point,  is 
Chapter  VI IL  of  Primitive  Christianity  Revived*  We  need 
not  follow  the  argument  on  the  other  subjects.  At  the 
end  there  is  not  much  left  of  the  Bishop's  church  defences  ; 
but  a  Gospel  propounded,  large,  wide  as  humanity,  and 
conceived,  (as  Friends  put  it),  in  a  universal  spirit. 

William  Penn  continued  to  live  in  Bristol  in  the  winter 
of  1698-9  ;  and  there  we  find  him,  in  conjunction  with 
Benjamin  Coale,  producing  one  more  controversial  book, 
A  Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  God,  etc.  It  was  written 
against  "  envious  apostates  and  mercenary  adversaries." 
Penn  came  here  into  controversy  with  the  famous 
Francis  Bugg,  the  most  persistent  and  bitter  adversary 
early  Quakerism  ever  had.  He  was  a  Friend  for  twenty- 
five  years,  from  1659  to  1684,  and  suffered  imprisonment 
in  Ely  gaol.  Then  he  sympathised  with  the  Story, 
Wilkinson,  Rogers  revolt  against  George  Fox  and  the 
other  leaders,  in  the  name  of  liberty  and  spontaneity. 
He  went  on  writing  fierce  books  against  Friends  till  he 
was  eighty-three,  in  the  year  1724.  The  titles  of  these 
fill  fifteen  pages  in  Joseph  Smith's  Catalogue,  and  they 

*  Collected  V^orks,  Vol.  II.,  pp.  867-8. 


cannot  be  beaten  for  abuse  and  abusive  pictures.  He  calls 
himself  "a  servant  of  the  Church"  in  his  later  books. 
It  appears  that  the  Bishop  of  Norwich  had  given  him  a 
letter  to  his  clergy,  asking  them  to  make  collections  for 
the  necessities  of  this  "  beggarly  apostate,"  as  Penn  terms 
him.  Only  by  some  such  support  from  the  enemies  of 
Quakerism  would,  one  would  think,  such  a  torrent  of 
attack  be  possible.  It  ran  to  seventy-nine  books  or 
pamphlets.  The  Norfolk  clergy  had  subscribed  their 
names  to  "  A  Relation,"  an  attack  on  Quakerism  which 
Francis  Bugg  would  seem  to  have  carried  round  with 
him  on  his  begging  errand,  to  show  how  useful  he  was. 
Penn's  reply  covers  the  same  ground  as  his  Defence  against 
the  Bishop  of  Cork,  but  more  briefly. 

In  1699,  there  was  a  dispute  at  West  Dereham  in 
Norfolk  between  some  clergy  and  Friends,  which  led  the 
clergy,  apparently  dissatisfied  with  the  result,  to  approach 
the  King  and  Parliament  with  an  attack  "  painting  the 
Quakers  as  black  as  their  own  robes,"  and  hoping  to  have 
the  Toleration  Act  repealed  so  far  as  Quakers  were  con- 
cerned. William  Penn  published  a  few  paragraphs  of 
reply.  The  fires  of  ecclesiastical  persecution  were  clearly 
smouldering  still  below  the  surface  in  many  vicarages. 


In   Pennsylvania    Again 

This  visit  to  Pennsylvania  was  intended  to  be  more  than 
a  visit,  indeed  Penn  always  to  the  end  looked  to 
America  as  his  permanent  home.  It  would  have  been 
well  for  him  and  for  the  colony  if  that  had  been  possible. 
All  his  family  except  his  son  William,  now  married  and  a 
young  man  about  town,  went  with  him.  All  kinds  of 
goods  likely  to  be  needed  in  the  establishment  of  a  home 
in  the  forest  were  put  on  board.  The  voyage  would  be, 
of  course,  as  all  voyages  were  then,  something  of  an 
adventure.  Before  his  first  voyage  in  1682,  it  may  be 
remembered,  he  had  written  a  remarkably  beautiful 
letter  to  his  wife  and  children.  He  now  composed  what 
ran  to  a  short  treatise  on  the  conduct  of  life  in 
the  form  of  advice  to  his  children.  It  was  not 
issued  to  the  public  till  1726,  some  years  after  the  writer's 
death.  It  was  called  Fruits  of  a  Father  s  Love,  and 
described  as  "  written  occasionally  many  years  ago." 
Sir  John  Rodes  of  Balber  or  Barlborough  Hall,  in  Derby- 
shire, brought  it  out.  Joseph  Besse,  however,  prints  it  as 
written  in  1699,  though  he  does  not,  as  one  might  expect, 
mention  it  in  his  biographical  notes.  Clarkson  says  it  was 
written  at  this  time,  and  Janney  follows  him. 

Penn  may  have  hoped  that  though  his  son  William 
would  not  be  influenced  by  his  words,  he  might  some  day 
pay  heed   to  his  written  advice ;    and  the  young  ones 



were  still  little  children,  too  young  to  understand.  He 
also  says  that  if  he  had  grandchildren  and  great-grand- 
children, he  wrote  for  them  also. 

The  first  chapter  deals  with  the  roots  of  character  and 
motive,  with  the  light  and  grace  of  Christ  within,  and 
with  faithfulness  to  a  living  Quakerism :  a  simple 
practical  exposition  of  the  Light  of  Christ  within  and  its 
bearing  on  conduct. 

The  second  chapter  enters  into  detail,  and  is  more 
quotable.  The  children  arc  advised  each  morning  and 
evening  to  "  retire  their  minds  into  a  pure  silence,  and  to 
read  a  chapter  in  the  Bible  " — they  are  not  advised  to 
read  many  books,  as  that  interferes  with  meditation. 
Careful  observation  of  people  is  the  best  guide  to  action 
and  judgment,  and  there  are  many  senseless  scholars. 
He  advises  keeping  a  commonplace  book,  to  record 
"  openings  "  that  occur,  which  come  and  go  of  themselves, 
and  may  be  lost  by  carelessness. 

Some  of  the  advice,  I  cannot  but  think,  he  gave  because 
he  had  done  the  opposite  himself  : 

"  In  conversation  mark  well  what  others  say  or  do,  and  hide 
your  own  mind,  at  least  till  last ;  and  then  open  it  as  sparingly 
as  the  matter  will  let  you.  In  company  be  sure  to  have  your  wits 
about  you  and  your  armour  on.  Speak  last  and  little,  but  to  the 
point.  Interrupt  none,  anticipate  none.  Brevity  and  clearness 
is  the  best." 

The  world  would  be  a  gruesome  place  socially,  if  every- 
body did  that.  What  a  horror  to  be  in  a  company  where 
everybody  tries  to  speak  last ;  it  is  a  race  where  all  but 
one  must  fail.  And  what  a  social  sin  "  armour  "  may  be. 
I  don't  believe  for  a  moment  that  William  Penn  did  this 
himself,  he  was  too  generous,  large-hearted,  trustful  and 
conversational  ;  and  brevity  was  not  the  most  obvious 
of  his  virtues. 

"  Learn  and  teach  your  children  fair  writing  and  the  most 
useful  parts  of  mathematics,  and  some  business  when  young, 
whatever  else  they  are  taught." 


This  is  in  flat  contradiction  to  our  idea  of  a  liberal 

"  Cast  up  your  income  and  live  on  half,  if  you  can  on  one 
third,  reserving  the  rest  for  casualties,  charities,  portions." 

Excellent  doubtless,  but  I  fear  not  capable  of  universal 

"  Be  plain  in  clothes,  furniture  and  food,  but  clean,  and  then 
the  coarser  the  better,  the  rest  is  folly  and  a  snare.  If  it  be  not 
an  evil  in  itself,  it  may  be  accounted  a  nest  for  sin  to  breed  in." 

"  I  have  seen  the  ceiling  of  a  room  that  cost  half  as  much  as 
the  house,  a  folly  and  sin  too." 

He  advised  them  to  take  care  to  maintain  their  family 
bond  by  visits  and  correspondence  and  living  as  near  as 
possible.  "  And  don't  be  close  and  hoard  up  from  one 
another,  as  if  you  did  not  descend  from  one  most  tender 
father  and  mother."  If  a  prodigal  appears  in  the  family, 
treat  him  lovingly  and  try  to  win  him.  One  remarkable 
passage  runs  thus  : 

"  Love  silence,  even  in  the  mind  ;  for  thoughts  are  to  that, 
as  words  to  the  body,  troublesome;  much  speaking,  as  much 
thinking,  spends  ;  and  in  many  thoughts  as  well  as  words,  there 
is  sin.  True  silence  is  the  rest  of  the  mind,  and  is  to  the  spirit 
what  sleep  is  to  the  body,  nourishment  and  refreshment." 

He  advised  them  to  keep  out  of  public  affairs,  and 
meddle  not  with  Government.  This  would  be  bad 
advice  now :  he  accompanied  it  with  the  exceptional 
case  "  unless  required  to  do  it  by  the  Lord  in  a  testimony 
for  his  name  and  truth."  This  is  a  large  qualification, 
and  covered  all  William  Penn's  own  constant  political 
labours.  Politics  were  no  doubt  a  bad  business  in  his 

There  is  much  good  advice  on  married  life  and  on 
managing  a  family. 

The  third  chapter  takes  up  a  series  of  good  qualities 
and  treats  each  fully  in  turn.  Humility,  meekness, 
patience,    mercy,    charity,    liberality,    justice,    integrity. 


gratitude,    diligence,    frugality,    temperance.     There    is 
naturally  a  strong  likeness  all  through  to  the  Maxims. 

He  concludes  with  a  really  wonderful  passage  on  the 
various  terms  used  by  philosophers  for  the  Indwelling 
Word  with  which  he  began  and  ended  this  document.* 

"  I  have  chosen  to  speak  in  the  Language  of  the  Scriptures  ; 
which  is  that  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  Spirit  of  Truth  and  Wisdom, 
that  wanted  no  Art  or  Direction  of  Man  to  speak  by,  and  express 
itself  fitly  to  Man's  Understanding.  But  yet  that  blessed 
Principle,  the  Eternal  Word  I  begun  with  to  you,  and  which  is 
that  Light,  Spirit,  Grace  and  Truth  I  have  exhorted  you  to  in  all 
its  Holy  Appearances  or  Manifestations  in  your  selves,  by  wliich 
all  Things  were  at  first  made,  and  Man  enlightened  to  Salvation, 
is  Pythagoras's  great  Light  and  Salt  of  Ages,  Anaxagoras's 
Divine  Mind,  Socrates's  good  Spirit,  Timaeus's  unbegotten 
Principle,  and  Author  of  all  Light,  Hieron's  God  in  Man,  Plato's 
Eternal,  Ineffable  and  Perfect  Principle  of  Truth,  Zeno's  Maker 
and  Father  of  all,  and  Plotin's  Root  of  the  Soul.  Who  as  they 
thus  stiled  the  Eternal  Word,  so  the  Appearance  of  it  in  Man 
wanted  not  very  significant  Words.  A  domestick  God,  or  God 
within,  says  Hieron,  Pythagoras,  Epictetus  and  Seneca  ;  Genius, 
Angel  or  Guide,  say  Socrates  and  Timaeus  ;  the  Light  and  Spirit 
of  God,  says  Plato  ;  the  Divine  Principle  in  Man,  says  Plotin  ; 
the  Divine  Power  and  Reason,  the  Infallible  Immortal  Law  in  the 
Minds  of  Men,  says  Philo  ;  and  the  Law  and  Living  Rule  of  the 
Mind,  the  Interior  Guide  of  the  Soul,  and  everlasting  Foundation 
of  Virtue,  says  Plutarch.  Of  which  you  may  read  more  in  the 
first  part  of  the  Christian  Quaker,  and  in  the  Confutation  of 
Atheism,  by  Dr.  Cudworth.  There  are  some  of  those  virtuous 
Gentiles  commended  by  the  Apostle,  Rom.  ii.  13,  14,  15,  that 
tho'  they  had  not  the  Law  given  to  them,  as  the  Jews  had,  with 
those  Instrumental  Helps  and  Advantages,  yet,  doing  by  Nature 
the  Things  contained  in  the  Law,  they  became  a  Law  unto 

On  the  ninth  of  September  he  sailed  from  Cowes 
Roads  by  the  Isle  of  Wight.  He  took  with  him  cordial 
certificates  addressed  to   Friends  in  Pennsylvania — from 

♦Works,  Vol.  i.,  p.  911. 


the  "  Second  Day's  Meeting  of  Ministering  Friends " 
(later  the  "  Morning  Meeting  ")  in  London — from  the 
Men's  Meeting  in  the  City  of  Bristol,  and  from  his 
own  Monthly  Meeting  at  Horsham.  No  human  words 
could  be  penned  more  full  of  reverence  and  love  than  these 

From  the  vessel  Penn  wrote  an  Epistle  to  all  Friends 
everywhere  in  the  Old  World  ;  doubtless  intended  as  a 
final  message  of  exhortation.     From  it  I  quote  : 

"  God  is  not  wanting  :  He  that  long  stood  at  the  door  of  our 
hearts,  under  our  impenitency  in  times  past,  till  his  locks  were 
wet  with  the  dew,  and  his  hair  with  the  drops  of  the  night,  till 
we  were  wakened  out  of  our  carnal  security,  is  not  weary  of 
waiting  to  be  gracious."  "  Friends  we  must  keep  our  Tents. 
We  must  be  a  retired  and  pecuHar  people  and  dwell  alone.  We 
must  keep  above  the  world,  and  clear  of  the  Spirit  of  it." 

One  detects  here,  so  early,  what  I  think  has  been  the 
cardinal  error  in  Quaker  tradition,  separation  from  the 
world.  We  ought  to  have  kept  out  of  evil  influences 
without  aiming  at  social  isolation. 

Another  paragraph  of  this  address  sounds  a  new  note — 
the  note  of  reproof  to  the  merely  formal  Quaker.  We  are 
but  eight  years  from  the  Toleration  Act,  up  to  which 
time  every  selfish  motive,  and  the  weight  of  habit  in 
most  cases,  was  against  formal  membership.  In  George 
Fox's  time  the  body  of  Friends  were  always  treated  as 
all  living.     But  Penn  finds  it  right  to  say  : 

"  The  condition  of  some  who  pretend  to  follow  Christ,  yet  are 
afar  off,  affects  my  spirit ;  for  they  know  Httle  of  these  enjoy- 
ments, and  hardly  eat  so  much  as  the  crumbs  which  fall  from 
Christ's  table,  and  seem  to  satisfy  themselves  with  a  mere  con- 
vincement  of  the  truth,  or,  at  best  with  a  bare  confession  to  it. 
Who  taking  up  with  a  formal  going  to  meeting,  and  hearing  what 
others  have  to  say  of  the  work  and  goodness  of  God  in  and  to  them, 
they  shun  the  daily  cross  of  Christ." 

"  I  must  leave  you,  but  I  can  never  forget  you  ;  for  my  love 
to  you  has  been,  even  as  David's  and  Jonathan's,  above  the  love 
of  women." 


There  were  others  besides  his  children  to  whom  his 
heart  went  out  on  the  eve  of  the  great  departure  which 
might  be  without  return.  The  farewell  sermon  he  gave 
to  Friends  at  Westminster  Meeting  on  6th  August,  1699, 
was  felt  to  be  an  event  to  be  chronicled.  Two  shorthand 
writers  took  it  down  and  published  it,  not  under  Quaker 
auspices  at  all,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  wording  of  the 
title  pages.  An  extract  from  it  follows,  taken  by 
Janney  from  a  reprint  in  Vol.  VII.  of  The  Friend 
(London).  A  Life  of  William  Penn  would  be  incomplete 
without  at  least  one  piece  of  the  vocal  ministry  which 
occupied  so  large  a  share  of  his  life  and  strength. 

"  He  that  made  us  knows  our  frame.  He  that  created  us  and 
formed  and  fashioned  us  after  his  own  image,  and  gave  us  powers 
and  faculties  to  glorify  and  serve  him,  that  we  may  come  to  enjoy 
him  for  ever,  requires  of  no  man  or  woman  more  than  he  hath  given 
them  power  or  ability  to  perform.  It  concerneth  us  all,  therefore, 
to  live  in  the  exercise  of  that  Divine  gift,  and  grace  and  ability 
which  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  hath  distributed  and  communicated 
to  every  member  of  his  body,  that  we  may  come  to  shine  as  stars 
in  the  firmament  of  glory.  We  should  do  good  in  our  several 
places  and  stations,  according  to  our  different  powers  and 
capacities.  And  as  every  member  is,  by  the  circulation  of  the 
blood,  made  useful  and  beneficial  in  the  natural  body,  so  the 
Divine  life  and  blood  of  the  Son  of  God  circulates  through  his  whole 
mystical  body  and  reaches  life  to  every  living  member.  Here  is 
no  obstruction  through  unfaithfulness  or  inordinate  love  of  the 
world,  or  any  temptation  from  without  us,  or  corruption  from 
within  us.  Here  is  a  free  channel,  here  is  an  open  passage  for  life 
and  quickening  influences  from  Christ,  our  glorious  Head,  in  all  his 
members.  There  is  in  Christ  (in  whom  the  fulness  of  the  Godhead 
dwells  bodily)  a  river  whose  streams  make  glad  the  city  of  God,  a 
fountain  to  supply  and  refresh  the  whole  generation  of  the 
righteous  that  desire  to  be  found  in  him,  (as  the  apostle  speaks,) 
not  having  their  own  righteousness,  but  clothed  with  the  robe 
of  his  righteousness,  which  is  the  garment  of  salvation." 

The  ship  Canterhuyy  was  tossed  on  the  Atlantic  for 
nearly  three  months,  and  reached  Chester  on  December 


ist :  thence  it  went  up  the  river  to  Philadelphia.  The 
delay  on  the  voyage  had  had  one  advantage.  The  party 
escaped  an  epidemic  of  yellow  fever  which  had  raged 
in  the  city  during  the  autumn. 

The  Governor  brought  over  with  him  as  his  secretary 
a  tall  and  attractive  young  man  named  James  Logan. 
He  was  twenty-five  years  of  age,  of  a  Scotch  family  whose 
estates  had  been  confiscated.  He  was  born  at  Lurgan 
near  Belfast.  His  father  had  become  a  schoolmaster  at 
Bristol,  and  the  son  taught  in  his  father's  school,  and  after- 
wards traded  for  a  year  between  Dublin  and  Bristol.  He 
seems  to  have  developed  in  childhood  his  very  remark- 
able intellectual  powers,  learning  Latin,  Greek  and  Hebrew 
when  he  was  twelve  ;  and  mastering  a  book  on  Mathe- 
matics by  himself  at  fifteen.  When  teaching  he  learnt 
French  and  Italian  and  some  Spanish  ;  he  translated 
Cicero  on  Old  Age,  one  of  the  famous  and  beautiful  works 
of  antiquity.  His  house  in  America  became  the  centre 
of  the  intellectual  life  of  the  colony,  and  one  of  its  links 
with  the  science  and  literature  of  Europe ;  and  he  collected 
and  bequeathed  to  Philadelphia  the  books  which  are  still 
known  as  the  Loganian  Library. 

He  was  born  a  Friend,  a  somewhat  rare  characteristic 
at  that  time.  He  was  gracious  and  dignified  in  manner, 
and  must  have  been  the  most  important  man  in  the  Colony 
for  a  generation.  He  was  the  agent  for  the  Proprietors  ; 
and  in  addition,  at  various  times,  mayor  of  Philadelphia, 
President  of  the  Council,  and  Chief  Justice  of  Pennsylvania. 
In  his  later  years  he  did  not  hold  the  Quaker  view  about 
all  war  ;  and  he  became  less  and  less  an  active  Friend. 
He  was,  necessarily,  frequently  at  issue  with  the  grasping 
and  ungrateful  proposals  of  the  Assembly.*  He  was  the 
greatest  success  among  the  agents  and  deputies 
selected  by  William  Penn,  He  remained  in  public  life 
till  1747,  and  his  house  at  Stenton,  now  in  the  suburbs  of 

♦  These  adjectives  refer  to  the  life-time  of  the  Founder.  Under  his 
sons  more  is  to  be  said  for  the  Assembly  and  less  for  the  Proprietors. 


Philadelphia,  is  still  standing.  His  regular  correspondence 
with  his  employer,  to  whom  his  character  and  ability 
were  of  the  highest  value,  forms  the  chief  authority  for 
Pennsylvanian  affairs  during  the  rest  of  the  life  of  William 
Penn  :  but  not  an  impartial  authority  by  any  means. 
American  writers  are  rather  more  inclined  than  I  am  to 
sympathise  with  the  Assembly  and  its  leader  David  Lloyd, 
the  Attorney  General,  in  their  attacks  on  the  proprietary 
interest  up  to  1710.  Much  is  explained  if  we  remember 
that  David  Lloyd,  (I  had  nearly  added  George  to  his 
name),  was  a  Welshman,  hot  tempered,  well  able  to  talk, 
and  not  specially  accurate,  that  Logan  was  an  Ulster  Scot, 
fierce,  strong  willed,  dour  and  the  type  of  efficiency,  and 
that  William  Penn  was  an  English  gentleman,  easy-going 
in  money  matters,  and  idealistic  in  his  dealings  with  men. 
The  great  welcome  which  William  Penn  received 
may  be  gathered  from  Logan's  report  in  a  letter  to  William 
Penn  Junior  : 

"  The  highest  terms  I  could  use  would  hardly  give  you  an  idea 
of  the  expectation  and  welcome  which  thy  father  received  from 
the  most  of  the  honester  party  here  ;  Friends  generally  concluded 
that  after  all  their  troubles  and  disappointments,  this  province 
now  scarce  wanted  anything  more  to  render  it  completely  happy. 
The  faction  that  has  long  contended  to  overthrow  the  settled 
constitution  of  the  government  received  an  universal  damp.     .     . 

"  Directly  from  the  wharf  the  governor  went  to  his  deputy's, 
paid  him  a  short  formal  visit,  and  from  thence,  with  a  crowd 
attending,  to  meeting,  it  being  about  three  o'clock  on  First  Day 
afternoon,  when  he  spoke  on  a  double  account  to  the  people, 
and  praying,  concluded  it.     .     .     . 

"  Friends'  love  to  the  Governor  was  great  and  sincere  ;  they 
had  long  mourned  for  his  absence  and  passionately  desired  his 
return.  He,  they  firmly  believed,  would  compose  all  their 
difficulties  and  repair  all  that  was  amiss." 

The  two  years — for  it  turned  out  to  be  no  more —        11 
that  William  Penn  was  to  spend   among   the   woods    of 
the    Delaware    were    like    a    cool    time    of   refreshment 

■^  r^ 


From   Bti   engraving   in   the   Library   of  the    Historical 

Society   of    Philadelphia. 


after  the  dust  and  turmoil  of  his  career  in  England. 
They  were,  however,  full  of  the  details  of  the  landowning 
business.  He  proceeded  to  allay  the  standing  quarrel 
between  Markham,  the  Deputy  Governor,  and  Colonel 
Robert  Quarry,  who  represented  the  English  Admiralty, 
and  whose  duty  it  was  to  see  that  no  smuggling  and  no 
piracy  were  tolerated.  Quarry  had  made  the  most,  or 
more  than  the  most,  of  all  evil  reports,  being  desirous  on 
other  grounds  of  upsetting  the  Quaker  colonial  govern- 
ment. But  Markham' s  answers  had  apparently  been 
considered  satisfactory  by  the  Admiralty. 

Quarry  stood  aloof  from  calling  on  the  Governor,  but 
the  latter  sent  Logan  to  him  "  with  an  inviting  compli- 
ment," had  a  thoroughly  intimate  talk  with  him,  said 
he  believed  that  wrong  proceedings  had  been  allowed, 
but  that  he  would  lose  no  time  in  putting  things  right. 
In  fact  he  promptly  induced  the  Assembly  to  pass 
two  bills  against  piracy  and  smuggling,  and  to  carry 
them  out. 

There  was  more  difficulty  with  David  Lloyd,  who  was 
for  having  no  peace  with  Quarry,  and  so  found  himself 
up  against  the  Governor.  "  He  knew  not  how  to 
bend,  "  and  his  spirit  was  stirred  to  such  an  extent  that 
he  became  the  fierce  opponent  of  the  Proprietary  interest 
for  many  years,  and  as  a  sort  of  Quaker  demagogue 
caused  constant  friction.* 

Penn  attended  twenty-two  meetings  of  the  Council 
that  winter,  and  did  much  travelling  also  among  Friends* 

He  had  had  built  for  himself  a  beautiful  home,  suit- 
able to  the  quiet  dignity  of  a  colonial  governor.  It  was 
called  Pennsbury  Manor,  and  was  on  the  Delaware  in 
Bucks  County,  some  thirty  miles  above  Philadelphia. 
The  estate  extended  about  two  miles  along  the  river  front, 

*  Joseph  S.  Walton  has  a  paper  in  the  Journal  of  the  Friends'  His- 
torical Society,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  47,  96,  sympathetic  to  David  Lloyd,  and 
depreciating  Logan's  version  of  events.  On  the  whole  I  do  not  find  it 
entirely  convincing. 



and  covered  6,000  acres  of  forest.  Ten  acres  were 
cleared  for  the  house  and  the  gardens  and  fields.  It  was 
bounded  by  two  creeks  or  tributary  streams,  one  of  which, 
Welcome  Creek,  nearly  encircled  it.  In  fact,  at  high 
water,  Pennsbury  was  actually  islanded. 

The  mansion  had  a  modest  frontage  of  sixty  feet,  and 
stood  on  an  eminence  overlooking  the  river.  It  was 
built  of  brick,  two  stories  high,  and  extended  forty  feet 
back.  It  had  a  handsome  porch,  with  pillars  from 
England,  carved  in  a  grape  and  vine  design.  The 
unfortunate  Quaker  hostility  to  decoration  had  not  yet 
become  established.  As  one  entered,  there  was  a  large 
hall  for  public  occasions,  council  meetings  and  Indian 
receptions,  a  small  hall  and  three  wainscotted  parlours, 
communicating  in  modern  American  fashion,  by  folding 
doors.  The  large  cistern  on  the  roof,  by  its  leakage, 
contributed  to  the  decay  of  the  mansion,  which  is  no 
longer  standing.  As  Worminghurst  on  the  Sussex 
Downs  has  gone  too,  and  a  railway  runs  where  Ruscombe 
stood,  we  are  without  three  of  the  happiest  homes  of 
William  Penn. 

A  flight  of  steps  led  from  the  upper  terrace  down  a 
poplar  avenue  to  the  lower  walks  by  the  river.  Gardens 
and  wide  lawns  surrounded  the  house,  and  vistas  through 
the  forest  showed  the  Falls  of  Trenton  upstream,  and 
the  river's  course  down.  The  owner  had  sent  out  from 
England  walnuts,  hawthorns,  hazels,  cherries  and  oiher 
fruit  trees,  and  a  great  supply  of  valuable  seeds  and  roots. 
He  imported  others  from  Maryland  ;  and  had  sent  over 
skilled  gardeners  from  home.  J.  F.  Fisher,  from  whose 
researches  all  biographers  have  drawn,*  obtained  from 
the  Founder's  grandson,  John  Penn,  an  inventory  of  the 
furniture  at  Pennsbury  in  1701  : — 

"  In  the  great  hall  was  a  long  table,  two  forms,  six  chairs, 
a  supply  of  pewter  plates  and  dishes,  with  six  vessels   called 
cisterns,  for  holding  water  or  beer.     In  the  little  hall,  six  leather 
*  Mem.  Hist,  Soc,  Pa.,  III.  part  2, 


chairs  and  five  maps.  In  the  best  parlour,  two  tables,  one  couch, 
two  large  and  four  small  cane  chairs,  four  cushions  of  satin  and 
three  of  green  plush.  In  the  second  parlour,  one  great  leather 
chair,  probably  used  by  the  governor,  one  clock  and  a  pair  of 
brasses.  The  four  charnbers  on  the  second  floor  were  well  supplied 
with  beds,  bedding,  chairs,  tables,  etc.  In  three  of  them  were 
suits  of  curtains,  the  first  of  satin,  the  second  of  camlet,  and  the 
third  of  striped  linen.  The  garret  chambers  were  furnished  with 
four  beds,  and  in  one  of  the  chambers  were  deposited  three  side- 
saddles and  two  pillions.  In  the  closet  were  two  silk  blankets  and 
two  damask  curtains  for  windows." 

Although  pewter  plates  and  dishes  were  used  on 
common  occasions,  it  appears  that  there  was  also 

"  A  suit  of  Tunbridge-ware,  besides  blue  and  white  china, 
some  plate,  and  a  large  supply  of  damask  table-cloths  and  napkins. 
Mahogany  was  not  then  known,  and  the  spider  tables  and  high- 
backed  chairs  were  of  solid  oak  or  of  the  darker  walnut." 

Here  the  Indians  came  to  him  for  counsel,  and  here  it  is 
said  that  he  once  entertained  an  Indian  company  with  a 
hundred  turkeys  and  other  meats. 

The  stable  held  twelve  horses,  and  there  was  a  coach, 
a  light  trap  and  a  Sedan  chair.  At  the  present  time  few 
country  people  in  America  are  so  poor  as  not  to  keep  a 
horse  and  trap.  Horses,  harness  and  carriages  are  all 
simple  and  cheap.  "  To  keep  a  carriage  "  is  not  the  sign 
of  wealth  that  it  is  in  England. 

The  easiest  way  to  Philadelphia  was  by  barge,  with 
its  sail  and  six  oarsmen.  He  always  set  great  store  by  .his 
boat — as  befits  a  man  of  a  seafaring  family. 

Traditions,  supported  by  his  account  books,  tell  much 
of  his  kindnesses  and  charities.  He  was  not  a  smoker 
and  disliked  the  habit.  But  he  was  a  delighted  attender 
at  fairs  and  Indian  festivities,  and  did  his  hopping  and 
jumping  with  the  rest.  His  wife,  who  is  described  as  a 
delicate,  pretty  woman,  was  well  beloved,  and  performed 
all  the  duties  of  her  station.  The  cash  books  show  that 
the  place  was  run  by  three  men  and  four  women  servants. 


He  held  meetings  regularly  every  Sunday  in  the  Hall 
at  Pennsbury,  Once  when  he  was  away  visiting  meetings, 
a  little  boy,  his  host's  son  at  Merion,  was  naughty  enough 
to  creep  up  and  peep  through  the  keyhole  of  his  bedroom, 
and  was  thunderstruck  on  seeing  the  Governor  on  his 
knees  by  his  bedside,  offering  vocally  thanks  for  his 
provision  and  safety  in  the  wilderness. 

It  was  common  at  this  time  to  use  slave  labour  freely, 
a  fact  which  has  had  the  direst  consequences  to  America. 
The  Society  of  Friends  founded,  financed,  and  largely 
worked  the  abolitionist  movement,  which  was  indeed 
their  main  service  to  America  during  the  earlier  half  of 
the  nineteenth  century.  How  did  this  current  and 
popular  iniquity  strike  Penn  and  his  contemporaries  ? 
He  began  by  doing  as  other  people  did.  In  October, 
1685,  he  writes  to  James  Harrison  that  he  had  better 
employ  three  black  labourers,  "  for  then  a  man  has  them 
while  they  live."  In  December  of  the  same  year  he 
writes  : — "  The  blacks  of  Capt.  Allen  I  have  as  good  as 
bought,  so  part  not  with  them  without  my  order." 
Clearly  he  had  not  seen  on  his  first  visit  the  irremediable 
wrong  of  the  whole  system.  Friends  began,  as  usual, 
with  trying  to  improve  it  and  make  it  more  tolerable 
to  Christian  men.  George  Fox,  whose  vision  was  often 
remarkably  far  reaching  in  new  directions,  told  the 
Friends  of  Barbadoes  as  early  as  1671  "  to  train  up  their 
slaves  in  the  fear  of  God,  to  cause  their  overseers  to  deal 
mildly  and  gently  with  them,  and  after  certain  years  of 
servitude,  they  should  make  them  free."  Thus  we  catch 
a  glimmer  of  the  dawn,  shining  first  on  a  high  peak. 

In  1688,  Francis  Daniel  Pastorius,  leader  among  the 
German  Friends  from  Krisheim  on  the  Rhine,  who  had 
founded  Germantown,  now  a  distant  suburb  of  Phila- 
delphia, brought,  with  the  consent  of  his  Monthly  Meeting, 
the  entire  unlawfulness  of  slave-holding  before  Phila- 
delphia Yearly  Meeting.  This  was  the  beginning  of 
the  letting  out  of  many  waters.     The  Meeting  was,  as 


was  likely,  divided  in  opinion  and — as  Friends'  Meetings 
do  in  such  cases — decided  not  to  give  a  positive  judgment. 
Pastorius  went  home  to  Germantown  much  discouraged. 
The  story  has  been  beautifully  told  by  Whittier  in  his 
Pennsylvania  Pilgrim.     In  1693,  the  Keithian  body  pro- 
tested against  slavery,  against  buying  negroes  or  keeping 
them  after  they  had  reasonably  worked  out  the  charges 
incurred  for  them.*     By  1696,  opinion  among  Friends  had 
moved  so  far  as  discouraging  the  bringing  in  of  any  more 
negroes,  and  that  their  owners  be  careful  of  them,  bring 
them   to   meetings,    have   meetings   with   them   in  their 
families,  and  restrain  them  from  loose  and  lewd  living, 
as  much  as  in  them  Hes,  and  from  rambling  abroad  on 
First  Days  or  other  times."     It  was  impossible  to  go  on 
recognising  the  negro  as  a  fellow  Christian,  and  yet  to 
hold  him  as  a  slave  ;  and  the  best  men  began  to  emanci- 
pate   their    slaves.     The    family    relation    among    these 
human  cattle  showed  up  the  wickedness  of  the  system 
most    vividly.     To    encourage    stable    family    relations 
interfered  with  selling  individuals  away  ;    but  breeding 
was    to    be    encouraged.     To    check    this    degradation, 
William    Penn  in  1700  passed  through  the  Council  an 
Act  for  regularising  the  marriages  of  negroes  ;     but   the 
Assembly   threw   it    out.     With    Friends   the    Governor 
succeeded  better,   and  the  Monthly  Meeting    of    Phila- 
delphia exhorted  its  members  to  bring  their  negroes  to 
meeting  on  Sundays,  and  appointed  a  special  meeting  for 
them  once  a  month,  to  which  the  masters  were  advised 
to  come. 

In  170 1  Penn  made  a  will  which  he  left  in  Logan's 
hands,  in  which  he  wrote  :  "  I  give  my  blacks  their 
freedom,  as  is  under  my  hand  already,  and  to  old  Sam 
one  hundred  acres  to  be  his  children's,  after  he  and  his 
wife  are  dead,  for  ever."  It  appears  that  this  was  not 
carried  out  by  Logan,  who  wrote  to  Hannah  Penn  in 
1721:    "The    proprietor,  in  a  will  left  wdth  me  at    his 

*  "  Quakers  in  American  Colonies,  p.  511. 


departure  hence,  gave  all  his  negroes  their  freedom,  but 
this  is  entirely  private  ;  however  there  are  very  few  left." 
This  will  had  been  superseded. 

"  In  1705  the  Assembly  made  certain  crimes  capital  for  blacks 
which  were  not  for  whites,  but  the  same  year  they  taxed  the 
owners  of  imported  negroes  forty  shillings  per  head."  * 

The  politics  of  the  province  form  the  only  unpleasing 
part  of  this  two  years'  idyllic  interval  in  America.  We 
need  not  treat  their  somewhat  sordid  story  with  any 
completeness.  There  was  the  unending  quarrel  between 
the  Province  and  the  Territories,  and  there  was  revenue. 
William  Penn  asked  for  a  tax  of  threepence  in  the 
pound  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  Government.  This  was 
refused,  but  an  import  on  liquor  yielding  from  ;^5oo  to 
;£i,ooo  a  year  was  granted.  One  can  imagine  that  this 
was  more  on  the  lines  of  Friends'  views  than  the  other. 
William  Penn  did  not  agree  with  the  new  Frame  of 
Government  of  1696,  and  restored  the  old  one  of  1683, 
until  there  should  be  time  to  arrange  for  an  entirely 
new  one.  The  Assembly  had  many  difficulties  with  their 
landlord,  as  has  been  the  way  of  tenant  and  landlord 
always.  They  levied  a  tax  to  raise  £2,000  for  him,  but 
it  was  not  paid  punctually.  The  Assembly  demanded  that 
he  should  sell  his  unsold  land  to  new  purchasers  at  the  old 
price,  notwithstanding  the  rise  in  value.  They  claimed 
commission  rights  and  timber  from  the  unsold  land 
between  Vine  and  South  Streets.  There  were  certain 
lots  in  the  city  proper  which  had  been  given  to  people 
who  had  not  had  ten  per  cent,  of  their  original  purchase 
within  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  but  had  had  it  given  in 
the  liberties  instead.  An  argument  now  arose  as  to 
whether  the  city  lots  were  subject  to  quit  rents.  In 
return  for  land  that  had  been  taken  for  roads  ten  per  cent, 
was  added  to  the  quantity  of  land  that  had  been  paid  for. 
Another  source  of  complaint  was  the  delay  in  the  granting 
of  the  legal  patents  for  lands  bought. 

*  Sharpless,  "  Quakers  in  American  Colonies,"  p.  511. 


The  most  ideal  of  colonies  and  the  most  placid  and 
beautiful  of  countrysides  have  always  plenty  of  questions 
of  this  kind  in  the  background.  We  need  not  follow  them 
out.  The  Governor  was  able  to  make  a  number  of 
extended  treaties  with  the  Indians  upon  this  visit. 
There  he  was  in  his  element,  but  in  August,  1701,  he  had  to 
submit  to  the  Assembly  a  letter  from  the  English  Govern- 
ment asking  for  £350  towards  the  erection  of  forts  on  the 
frontier  of  New  York.  The  Assembly  postponed  the 
consideration  of  the  request  in  view  of  the  great  sums 
lately  assessed  in  taxes,  and  the  arrears  of  quit-rents. 
They  asked  William  Penn  to  assure  the  King  of  their 
willingness  to  obey  him  so  far  as  their  religious  persuasion 
would  permit. 

Anxiety  was  never  far  absent  from  the  proprietor 
and  people  of  Pennsylvania  as  to  the  security  of  their 
autonomy  under  the  Crown.  They  always  had  the  local 
Church  party  against  them,  and  when  there  was  a  war  or 
a  rumour  of  war  they  had  the  popular  cry  against  them, 
reinforcing  always  the  unslumbering  hostility  of  the 
military  party  at  home.  It  was  the  period  of  the  Marl- 
borough wars  against  France,  and  the  North  American 
colonies  were  thereby  nearly  always  embroiled  with  the 
French  colony  in  Canada.  In  1701,  the  War  of  the 
Spanish  Succession  began,  and  a  proposal  was  made  in  the 
House  to  annex  all  the  proprietary  governments  to  the 
Crown.  William  Penn,  after  two  precious  and  useful 
years  in  Pennsylvania,  had  to  return  to  England  to  save 
his  province.  A  bill  for  annexing  all  the  proprietary 
governments  had  been  read  twice  in  the  House  of  Lords. 

Before  he  left  he  signed  the  Charter  of  Privileges,  the 
final  form  of  the  various  Frames  of  Government  which 
had  been  made  since  1683.  Under  it  the  colony  Uved 
until  the  Revolution  and  the  founding  of  the  United  States. 
It  continued  the  principle  of  liberty  of  conscience.  No  one 
who  believed  in  God  was  to  suffer  any  persecution  or 
prejudice,  and  all  who  believed  in  Jesus  Christ,  the  Saviour 


of  the  World,  had  full  citizenship.  If  this  be  thought  to 
be  imperfect  religious  equality,  it  helps  one's  historic  sense 
to  remember  that  under  the  Commonwealth  the  penalty 
of  death  was  (by  statute)  attached  to  disbelief  in  the 
Trinity,  the  Divinity  of  Christ,  the  bodily  resurrection, 
the  Day  of  Judgment,  or  the  Bible  being  the  word  of 
God.*  These  provisions  were  to  be  secured  for  ever  from 
alteration.  A  provision  was  included  leaving  it  open 
to  the  province  and  the  lower  counties  to  separate  if 
either  of  them  chose  to  do  so  within  the  next  three 
years.  This  they  did  very  soon  afterwards,  the  lower 
counties  becoming  the  State  of  Delaware.  A  democratic 
Assembly  was  established  under  popular  election. 
It  had  now  power  to  originate  and  pass  bills  and  sit 
on  its  own  adjournments.  A  Council  of  State  was 
nominated  by  the  proprietor  to  hold  office  during  the 
proprietor's  pleasure,  and  their  number  was  not  fixed. 
They  were  to  have  henceforth  no  legislative  power. 
William  Penn  nominated  Andrew  Hamilton,  a  former 
governor  of  New  Jersey,  to  the  post  of  Lieutenant- 
Governor  in  his  absence,  and  ten  more,  chiefly  Friends, 
to  form  the  Council  of  State.  The  confirmation  of  all 
laws  still  remained  with  the  King   at    home.     On    this 

*  The  remarkable  absence  of  Religious  Toleration  in  the  other 
American  Colonies  is  summed  up  Iby  Isaac  Sharpless,  in  the  Friends' 
Intelligencer,  4.  xi.  1916,  as  follows: — "Massachusetts  and  Connecticut 
had  their  established  Congregational  churches.  Membership  was  a 
necessary  qualification  to  vote  or  hold  office.  Up  to  1691  barbarous 
persecution  of  dissenters  went  on.  Episcopalians,  Baptists  and  Quakers 
were  imprisoned  and  banished,  and  four  especially  troublesome  members 
of  the  latter  sect  were  hanged  on  Boston  Common.  In  New  York  the 
Episcopal  Church,  though  a  small  minority  of  the  population,  was  esta- 
blished and  supported  by  money  collected  from  all,  though  the  Dutch 
worship  was  protected  by  the  Treaty  of  Breda.  Catholics  were  banished. 
In  New  Jersey,  after  1702,  liberty  of  conscience  was  proclaimed  except  for 
Baptists  and  Quakers.  In  Maryland,  which  under  CathoUc  rule  had 
allowed  large  liberty  of  worship,  the  English  Church  was  established  in 
1696,  and  the  Catholics  themselves  disfranchised.  Virginia  allow-ed  no 
dissent ;  all  who  did  not  bring  their  children  to  be  baptised  by  the  priests 
of  the  Established  Church  were  subject  to  fine  or  imprisonment.  Taking 
the  Sacrament  according  to  the  rites  of  the  same  church  was  a  necessary 
preliminary  to  a  seat  in  the  legislative  Assembly  in  the  CaroUnas  ;  while 
Georgia  adopted  the  restrictions  on  Non-conformists  established  by  the 
so-called  Toleration  Act  of  England. 


occasion  Penn  had  sent  after  him  no  fewer  than  a  hundred 
and  fourteen  laws  which  had  been  passed  during  his 
stay.  Great  delays  occurred  constantly,  and  often  the 
Attorney-General  would  require  a  large  fee  before 
passing  an  Act.  Laws  were  often  rejected  or  modified. 
They  had,  in  fact,  to  suit  the  committee  of  Trade  and 
Plantations  at  home,  what  we  should  now  call  the 
Colonial  Office.  The  effect  of  the  changes  made  since 
1683  was  to  extend  the  power  of  the  Assembly  and  make 
it  the  only  legislative  body,  and  to  turn  the  Council  into 
an  executive  merely. 

Penn's  Friends  in  England,  aided  by  his  son,  thought 
they  could  stave  off  the  bill  of  confiscation  for  that  year, 
but  said  that  nothing  but  his  own  presence  could  avoid 
its  reintroduction  the  following  year.  He  tried  to  induce 
Hannah  and  Letitia  to  stay  behind,  and  await  his 
intended  return,  but  in  vain.  The  Indians,  hearing  of  his 
departure,  came  down  in  large  numbers  to  bid  their 
friend  goodbye.  The  final  dealings  of  the  Assembly  with 
him  were  merely  attempts  to  get  as  much  out  of  him 
in  land  concessions  as  possible.  Some  of  the  final  arrange- 
ments have  been  mentioned  above. 

They  sailed  on  3rd  November,  1701,  and  had  a  quick 
winter  passage  to  England. 


Further  History   of  Pennsylvania 

The  proprietary  Governments  were  an  important  group 
of  colonies.  Massachusetts,  Connecticut,  and  New 
Hampshire  were  Puritan — so  was  Rhode  Island,  though 
there  Friends  had  an  influential  position  ;  they  counted 
weightily  also  in  West  New  Jersey,  and  in  East  New 
Jersey  they  were  among  the  original  settlers,  and  in  some 
control.  Pennsylvania  they  had  founded,  and  Delaware 
they  partially  controlled.  Maryland  was  a  refuge  for 
Catholics,  and  for  that  object  enjoyed  for  a  while  complete 
religious  toleration.  The  Carolinas  had  a  body  of  aristo- 
cratic proprietors.  In  the  long  run,  no  doubt,  some  form 
of  federation  under  the  Empire,  such  as  was  indeed  outlined 
by  William  Penn,  must  have  come  about.  Unfortunately, 
it  did  actually  come  as  an  act  of  hostility  to  the  Empire, 
at  the  beginning  of  the  Revolutionary  War.  The  pro- 
prietary system,  like  the  East  India  Company  and  later 
Chartered  Companies,  was  a  plan  for  encouraging  enter- 
prise and  speculation  in  uninhabited  lands,  but  it  was  not 
fitting  that  it  should  become  permanent. 

On  this  occasion  the  labours  of  Penn  and  others 
prevented  the  bill  promoted  by  the  Board  of  Trade  and 
Plantations  from  being  reintroduced.  The  controversy 
mainly  ran  on  alleged  disorders  and  maladministration, 
and  Penn  had  "  the  unspeakable  fatigue  and  vexation  of 
following  attendance,  drafts  of  answer,  conferences, 
counsel's  opinions,  hearings,  etc.,  with  the  charge  that 
follows  them,  guineas  melting,  four,  five,  six  a  week,  and 



sometimes  as  many  in  a  day.  "*  Col.  Quarry  came  over 
from  Pennsylvania,  "  to  do  us  all  the  mischief  he  can." 
Under  pressure  the  Companies  which  owned  the  Jerseys 
surrendered  the  duties  of  government  to  the  Crown; 
"  an  ugly  preface,"  Penn  called  it. 

Deputy-Governor  Hamilton  died  in  April,  1703,  and 
then  his  employer  found  from  the  Secretary  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  that  he  had  all  the  time  been  using  his  position 
to  attempt  to  destroy  the  Proprietary  Government.  "  I 
could  as  soon  have  picked  a  pocket,  or  denied  my  friend 
or  name,"  was  Penn's  commentary.  Nevertheless,  in  his 
usual  forgiving  way,  he  obtained  the  postmastership  for 
Hamilton's  son. 

The  poverty  of  the  generous  hearted  Governor 
during  these  years  was  pitiful,  and  grew  worse.  All  the 
legal  charges  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Charter  he  bore 
from  his  own  pocket.  The  quit-rents  were  generally 
unpaid  ;  on  these  he  relied  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the 
Government  of  the  colony.  The  meanness  and  greed  of 
the  colonists  is  a  puzzling  feature,  treated  on  a  later 
page.  They  were  half  of  them  Friends.  By  1702,  it  was 
calculated  by  James  Logan  that  half  the  population  of  the 
colony  were  in  the  city  of  Philadelphia — and  that  Friends 
accounted  for  one  third  of  the  city  population 
and  two-thirds  of  that  of  the  country.  One  finds  a 
difficulty  in  reconciling  this  conduct  with  the  general 
probity  of  Friends  and  their  undoubted  love  and  venera- 
tion for  their  Governor  when  he  was  with  them.  "  I 
believe  there  are  not  in  the  whole  Assembly  three  men 
that  wish  ill  to  thee,"  wrote  Logan.  It  may  be  fair  to 
say  that  during  the  war  of  the  Spanish  Succession  from 
1701  onwards,  the  province  was  poor  and  everyone  hit 
by  the  war.  The  disaffected  colonists  may  have  argued 
that  as  owner  of  the  whole  land  and  as  Governor  over 
them  not  of  their  appointing,  it  was  his  business  as  much 

*  Letter  to  Logan.  Everjrthing  henceforth  about  Pennsylvania 
is  from  the  Logan  correspondence,  copiously  printed  by  Janney. 


as  theirs  to  pay  the  salaries  of  officials,  and  his  own 
maintenance  as  governor.  But  that  is  no  excuse  for  not 
pajang  a  quit-rent  one  had  agreed  to  pay. 

That  some  thought  they  might  come  upon  the 
Governor  for  everything  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  at 
New  Castle,  on  his  way  home,  he  received  a  letter  from 
David  Lloyd  and  another  as  executors  of  his  good  friend, 
Thomas  Lloyd,  asking  him  to  pay  compensation  for 
Thomas  Lloyd's  services  for  nine  years  as  lieutenant 
governor  in  the  early  days.  The  result  of  all  this  treat- 
ment was  that  every  letter  to  his  agent  begs  for  money. 
"  I  never  was  so  low  and  so  reduced.  For  Ireland,  my 
old  principal  verb,  has  hardly  any  money,  England  severe 
to  her — no  trade  but  hither — and  at  England's  mercy 
for  prices  (save  butter  and  meat  to  Flanders  and  the  West 
Indies) ."  An  example  of  keeping  trade  and  raw  materials 
within  the  Empire — the  old  mercantile  system.  Note 
the  effect  on  the  exchange  of  crippling  Irish  exports. 
Ireland  had  hardly  any  money.  The  exchange  against 
Ireland  was  from  twenty  to  twenty-six  per  cent.  A 
portion  of  the  Irish  property  had  now  to  be  paid  to  his 
son  William,  and  it  was  mortgaged  besides. 

William  was,  from  this  time,  his  father's  greatest 
sorrow.  While  his  father  had  been  away  he  had  fallen 
into  drink  and  debauchery.  He  was  still  young  in  that 
path,  and  might  be  reformed  by  kindliness  and  influence, 
it  was  hoped,  as  other  young  society  rakes  had  been.  His 
debts  were  an  additional  drain  on  his  father.  Letitia 
married,  soon  after  she  came  home,  a  merchant  named 
William  Aubrey,  who  comes  into  this  narrative  chiefly 
on  account  of  the  rudeness  and  the  bullying  methods — 
his  father-in-law's  own  phrase — with  which  he  pressed  for 
his  wife's  dowry.  The  central  fraud  of  all,  that  of  the 
Fords,  his  trusted  agents,  matured  later,  but  was  dragging 
upon  him  now. 

He  had  promised  to  send  his  son  William  to  Pennsyl- 
vania as  his  representative,  and  did  so,  hoping  for  his 


reform,  as  fathers  will ;  and  he  wrote  to  Logan  and  to  the 
leading  Friends  to  keep  in  touch  with  him  and  use  gentle 
persuasive  methods.  But  Governor  Evans,  the  young 
man  whom  he  sent  over  at  the  same  time,  proved  to  be 
WiUiam's  boon  companion  and  built  the  same  way. 
They  arrived  together  in  February,  1704  (new  style). 
Unfortunately,  Pennsylvania  was  never  to  see  its 
founder  again.  If  a  Friend  of  weight  and  character 
could  have  been  appointed  Lieutenant-Governor,  and 
if  the  Society  of  Friends  had  predominated  in  the  popu- 
lation, and  if  there  had  been  none  o.  the  complications  due 
to  the  empire's  wars,  its  story  might  have  been  one  of 
peace  and  happiness  seldom  reaUsed  on  earth  ;  but  the 
Lieutenant-Governor  had  to  be  someone  who  did  not 
mind  receiving  and  carrying  out  military  mstructions 
and  trying  to  levy  war  taxes.  The  position  was  not  well 
paid  nor  very  dignified  ;    it  was  one  of  continual  worry 

and  some  risk.  .     ■,  j 

John  Evans  was  only  twenty-six.  Hamilton  had  done 
his  best  to  enlist  a  company  of  soldiers.  The  drums 
beat  but  only  a  few  inconsiderable  people  responded. 
The  second  muster  was  a  complete  failure,  the 
Anglican  opponents  of  the  Quakers  having  reached 
the  conclusion  that  if  they  voluntered  in  this  way 
it  would  only  confirm  the  Quaker  government  m  the 
good  books  of  the  ministry  at  home.  They  therefore 
refused  to  volunteer  from  reasons  opposite  to  that  of 
Friends  The  question  of  oaths  constituted  another 
difficulty  at  the  provincial  court.  The  Quaker  judges,  who 
were  in  a  majority,  in  spite  of  the  refusal  of  their  colleagues 
to  sit  with  them  on  the  bench,  and  of  the  Attorney- 
General  to  prosecute,  proceeded  without  oaths  taken, 
by  either  jury  or  witnesses.  Great  disturbances  arose 
fomented  by  Colonel  Quarry.  William  Penn  in  England 
defended  his  friends,  as  the  author  of  the  "  Treatise  on 
Oaths"  would  be  sure  to  do.  But  Quarry  obtained  an 
order  from  the  Queen  requiring  all  persons  to  take  or 


administer  the  oaths  required  by  the  law  of  England  or 
the  affirmation  allowed  to  Quakers,  that  is  to  say  that  the 
practice  of  the  colony  was  to  be  assimilated  to  that  of  the 
mother  country.  This  was  not  an  unreasonable  regula- 
tion. The  difficulty  was  that  it  required  Quaker  judges 
to  admit  other  persons  to  take  oaths.  The  Council 
submitted  to  Quarry,  but  Penn  advised  that  the 
instruction  should  be  disregarded. 

William  Penn's  own  sympathies  would  almost  always 
have  been  essentially  with  the  Quaker  Assembly  in  their 
quarrels  with  the  Lieutenant-Governors,  except  in  matters 
of   finance.     Outwardly,    however,    a    quarrel    with    the 
Lieutenant-Governor  meant  a  quarrel  with  the  Governor 
behind  him,   who  was  also  the  ground-landlord  of  the 
colony.     It   does   not   seem   unreasonable   that    William 
Penn  should   expect   that  the   colonists   would  pay  the 
expenses  of  their  government,  but  when  he  asked  them  to 
do  this,  and  to  pay  £200  which  he  owed  for  Hamilton's 
salary,  they  adjourned  and  excused  themselves  and  passed 
laws  for  securing  and  confirming  their  privileges,   quite 
in  the  manner  of  the  Long  Parliament,     For  their  excuse 
it  may  be  remembered  that  they  had  been  brought  up  in 
the    school    of    opposition    to    all    governments.     David 
Lloyd,  the  Welshman,  was  the  acrimonious  leader  of  the 
Assembly,   of  which  he  was  the  Speaker.     He  was  the 
unceasing  enemy  of  the  proprietor,  a  democrat  who  had 
got  into  the  wrong  place.     On  the  other  hand,  Evans, 
running  counter  to  his  employer's  view,   declared  void 
the  proceedings  of  the  courts  where  the  Queen's  order 
about  oaths  had  not  been  obeyed.     He  also  organised  a 
militia,    promised  that   those    who    enlisted    should    be 
exempted  from  the  duty  of  watch  and  ward,  that  is  from 
the   duty   of   special   constables,    who   maintained   order 
in  the  city.     This  led  to  a  brawl  at  a  tavern  between 
militia  officers  and  watchmen,  or  special  constables,  and 
the  next  night  William  Penn  junior  was  there  when  the 
watch   came   round,   and   assisted  in   beating   them   off. 


Governor  Evans  was  engaged  in  another  brawl,  in  which 
the  Mayor,  the  Recorder,  and  Alderman  Wilcocks  came 
to  the  assistance  of  the  watchmen,  and  Wilcocks  seems  to 
have  beaten  the  Lieutenant-Governor  more  severely  on 
account  of  his  responsible  position.  In  October,  1704, 
David  Lloyd,  using  irregularly  the  name  of  the  Assembly,* 
wrote  "  a  most  virulent  unmannerly  invective  "  to  William 
Penn,  attacking  both  him  and  his  deputies  ;  and  this  was 
enclosed  in  a  letter  to  such  Friends  in  England  as  William 
Mead,  who  were  known  to  be  unfriendly  to  William  Penn, 
a  device  to  make  as  much  trouble  as  possible  for  the  man 
to  whom  they  owed  all  they  had.  The  disturbances  which 
followed  upon  this  brought  a  reaction  in  favour  of  the 
Governor,  and  a  letter  was  sent  to  him  in  1705,  declaring 
the  signatories'  abhorrence  of  David  Lloyd's  paper,  and 
assuring  him  of  their  readiness  to  support  all  the  charge 
of  government.  This  was  signed  by  a  great  body  of 
Friends  who  roused  themselves  to  an  energetic  political 
canvass,  and  the  next  Assembly  were  all  Friends  except 
one,  and  well-affected  towards  their  Founder.  They  set 
about  to  collect  the  arrears  of  quit-rents  that  were  due  to 
him,  and  they  appropriated  £1,400  to  pay  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor's  salary  and  other  public  charges.  Evans's 
next  escapade  was  to  forge  a  letter  from  the  Governor  of 
Maryland  announcing  that  privateers  were  off  the 
Virginian  capes.  He  also  arranged  that  a  man  should  ride 
up  in  great  haste  from  New  Castle  to  frighten  the  citizens 
with  the  tale  that  six  French  ships  had  bombarded  New 
Castle,  and  were  making  up  the  river.  By  this  means 
he  hoped  that  sufficient  Quakers  would  respond  to  a  call 
to  arms  to  show  up  the  inconsistency  of  their  behaviour. 
Evans  summoned  all  those  who  would,  to  defend  them- 
selves. Half  a  dozen  young  Quakers  took  their  guns, 
but  it  being  Meeting  Day,  the  meeting  was  held  as  usual, 
and  Friends  remained  steadfast  and  quiet.  James  Logan 
took  a  boat  down  the  river  and  exploded  the  falsehood. 

*  Janney,  pp.  485-6. 


Evans  next  summoned  a  special  session  of  the  Assembly 
and  threw  upon  it  the  responsibility  for  not  defending 
the  province.  They  replied  that  they  believed  they  were 
quite  safe,  and  that  Virginia  and  Maryland,  "which  are 
more  ancient  settlements  and  close  to  the  seaboard,  have 
no  fortifications,  so  that  we  are  no  worse  than  they." 
Evans  next  arranged  that  every  ship  that  went  by  the 
New  Castle  fort  on  the  way  to  the  ocean  should  pay 
powder  money.  A  Quaker  merchant  named  Richard  Hill 
went  down  on  his  own  ship,  refused  to  stop  to  pay  the  toll, 
and  was  fired  upon  from  the  fort  at  New  Castle,  which  it 
will  be  remembered  was  in  Delaware,  not  in  Pennsylvania. 
The  ship  was  uninjured  and,  hotly  pursued  by  boats,  put 
over  to  Salem  in  New  Jersey,  whose  Governor  severely 
resented  the  action  of  Evans.  By  this  act  Richard  Hill 
broke  down  the  intended  imposition. 

James  Logan  was  a  faithful  land-agent  for  the  Penn 
family  property  in  Pennsylvania,  but  with  such  clients 
as  he  had  he  could  hardly  be  popular.  The  Assembly 
desired  the  Judges  to  be  popularly  elected.  He  advised 
that  courts  be  re-established  under  the  right  granted  by 
charter  to  William  Penn.  This  caused  the  Assembly  to 
impeach  him  in  February,  1707,  but  Governor  Evans 
decided  that  he  could  not  try  such  a  case. 

As  early  as  1703,  we  find  that  Penn  had  lost  hope  of 
finally  retaining  his  Government  in  the  colony ;  and 
was  in  treaty  with  the  Queen's  ministers  to  sell  it  to  them  ; 
thus  obtaining  money  to  pay  his  debts,  and  being  relieved 
of  the  perpetual  drain  of  the  expenses  of  governing  the 
province,  and  of  fighting  against  its  enemies  in  London. 
This  course  had  the,  no  doubt,  regretful  approval  of 
James  Logan,  and  of  some  of  the  best  Friends  in  Phila- 
delphia, who  wished  to  give  their  Friend  and  Founder  a 
quieter  life.  He  would  remain  the  landowner  and  be  able 
to  come  and  live  a  happy  and  useful  life  at  Pennsbury. 

But    Penn    would   not   sell   the    Government    to   the 
Queen   unless    upon   conditions  which  would  guarantee 


to  the  colonists  the  constitution  and  liberties  they 
possessed  under  him.  To  buy  out  a  Lord  Proprietor 
was  a  welcome  proposal  to  English  statesmen,  but  to  give 
away  the  free  hand  of  sovereign  power  was  quite  another 
thing,  particularly  with  a  mild  penal  code,  a  democratic 
assembly,  an  objection  to  oaths  and  to  an  established 
Church,  and  a  dogged  resistance  to  military  grants, 
as  the  chief  characteristics  of  the  colonial  government. 
So  the  negotiations  made  little  progress.  For  the  next 
nine  years  Penn  was  carrying  on  a  transaction,  counter  to 
his  own  interest,  for  the  sake  of  the  colonists  and  the 
future  of  his  great  scheme.  The  office  of  the  Lords  of 
Trade  kept  up  friendly  relations  with  the  Governor,  who 
must  have  been  its  frequent  visitor.  The  officials  once 
advised  buying  out  the  holdings  of  the  Anglican 
faction,  which  Penn  thought  four  Friends  could  do — and 
once  talked  of  removing  Quarry,  whose  "foul  practices" 
and  those  of  his  "  venomous  adherents  "  brought  strong 
words  to  the  lips  of  the  patient  Governor.  Ultimately, 
Quarry  received  a  reprimand  from  the  Board  of  Trade. 
This  made  him  more  friendly  and  submissive..  He  pro- 
fessed friendship  to  the  Governor  and  became  his  tenant 
for  Pennsbury,  where  he  resided  at  £40  a  year.  The  low 
rent  may  have  been  due  to  the  fact  that  he  undertook 
to  vacate  it  at  six  months'  notice  if  Penn  returned. 
One  notes  too,  that  Penn,  the  incorrigible  optimist,  the 
man  of  charity  and  hope,  begins  to  write  of  "  the  false 
wisdom  of  the  low  and  miserable  world."  "  What  shall 
we  say  of  this  wretched  world? "  The  humiliating  episode 
of  the  behaviour  of  William  Penn,  Jun.,  in  the  colony 
ended  by  his  return,  in  great  indignation  with  Friends  for 
dealing  with  him,  and  with  the  Government  for  prosecuting 
him,  in  January,  1705.  The  loss  of  his  son's  soul  Penn  put 
down  to  the  heavy  account  of  what  Pennsylvania  had 
cost  him,  He  thought  that  if  he  had  not  been  away  from 
him  from  1699  to  1701,  he  might  have  saved  him  from 



The  Assembly  of  1707  made  an  attack  upon  Logan 
which  failed,  as  previously  mentioned,  but  an  attack 
which  succeeded  upon  Governor  Evans.  Both  attacks 
were  promoted  by  David  Lloyd  because  these  men  were 
the  pillars  of  the  Proprietor's  interest  :  but  Logan's 
armour  could  not  be  pierced,  while  Evans's  unfortunately 
was  full  of  weak  places.  They  drew  up  a  Remonstrance 
addressed  to  the  Proprietor,  reciting  Evans's  sins,  his 
immoral  conduct  and  that  of  his  retinue  among  the  Indian 
families  on  a  visit  to  Conestoga,  his  refusal  to  pass  a 
Judiciary  bill  to  make  the  Judges  popularly  elected,  his 
impositions  upon  trade  by  the  tax  at  New  Castle — his 
militia  proceedings — his  tavern  licences — his  '*  false 
alarm  " — his  licences  for  privateering,  his  maltreating  the 
constable  at  the  midnight  row — and  so  forth.  This  was 
cunningly  sent  to  the  leading  Friends,  George  Whitehead, 
William  Mead  and  Thomas  Lower,  with  instructions 
to  present  it  to  Penn  and  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  and 

These  Friends  visited  the  Governor,  and  told 
him  that  unless  he  put  in  a  new  Deputy  Governor 
they  would  have  to  carry  the  matter  forward  to 
the  Lords  of  Trade.  Penn  had  no  case  for  refusal, 
and  thought  it  kinder  to  Evans  to  dismiss  him  than  to 
let  his  faults  be  magnified  before  the  Government.  The 
strength  of  the  David  Lloyd  party  in  the  Assembly  would 
be  incomprehensible  if  we  forgot  that  Penn's  friends  were 
always  being  let  down  or  given  away  by  the  Deputy 

The  Remonstrance  of  1704,  about  the  Government  of 
the  Province,  illegally  signed  by  David  Lloyd  on  behalf  of 
the  Assembly,  lost  at  sea,  and  then  reproduced  in  duplicate, 
had  excited  the  attention  of  certain  Friends  in  London  far 
more  than  it  ought  to  have  done.  It  was  referred  to  in 
the  Remonstrance  of  1707.  Isaac  Norris,  of  Philadelphia, 
was,  happily,  in  London,  probably  on  the  Ford  business, 
and  when  he  saw  that  Friends  like  Thomas  Lower  and 


William  Mead,*  never  very  friendly  to  Penn,  were  inclined  to 
be  influenced  by  it  against  him,  he  was  able  to  tell  them  the 
whole  discreditable  story.  George  Whitehead  and  the 
two  Friends  named,  however,  suggested  to  Penn  that  he 
should  write  to  strengthen  the  good  forces  in  the  colony, 
which  he  promptly  did,  to  satisfy  them  and  make  clearness 

He  still  hoped  to  go  and  live  and  die  in  Pennsylvania  ; 
for  care  of  Friends,  and 

"  settling  plantations  for  my  poor  minors  ;  for  planters,  God 
willing,  they  shall  be  in  their  father's  country,  rather  than  great 
merchants  in  their  native  land  ;  and  to  visit  Friends  throughout 
the  continent,  at  least  their  chief  est  business." 

Happily  the  failure  of  these  hopes  for  his  children  did  not 
come  in  his  time. 

A  better  story  than  Evans's  might  have  been  hoped  for 
from  the  next  Governor,  Charles  Gookin,  a  respectable 
officer  in  the  army,  who  undertook  the  government  in 
February  of  1709.  The  conflict  between  James  Logan 
and  David  Lloyd  flamed  out  seriously  at  this  time  how- 
ever, and  the  Assembly,  under  Lloyd's  direction,  was  more 
than  ever  quarrelsome,  not,  Isaac  Norris  says,  due  to  the 
Quaker  influence,  "  but  to  Keithians  and  to  those  who 
stand  fast  and  loose  with  Friends,"  that  is  to  nominal 
members.  In  November  Logan  sailed  for  England, 
although  the  Assembly,  as  mentioned  before,  attempted 
to  arrest  him  and  put  him  in  gaol  to  prevent  his  departure. 
He  was  tried  in  England  and  triumphantly  acquitted. 

Happily  this  is  the  last  factious  session  which  we  have 
to  record.  The  Assembly  of  1710  was  composed  of 
entirely  different  men  :  not  a  single  old  member  retained 
his  seat.  The  sober  friends  of  Penn  had  bestirred  them- 
selves over  the  election,  and  every  one  elected  was  friendly 

*  This  was  his  old  colleague  at  the  trial  of  Penn  and  Mead  in  1670. 
He  had  married  Sarah  Fell,  daughter  of  Margaret  Fox,  and  he  was  a  leading 
Friend,  though  apparently  he  died  out  of  love  with  them.  (Joseph 
Smith's  Catalogue.) 


to  him.  Richard  Hill,  the  leading  Friend,  was  Speaker. 
Order,  harmony  and  the  prompt  despatch  of  business 
characterised  the  proceedings.  Isaac  Norris  was  a  pro- 
minent member,  David  Lloyd  removed  to  Chester. 
Between  the  elections  and  the  business  sessions  a  beautiful 
document  of  expostulation  was  received  from  the  Governor. 
It  is  long  to  print  here  in  full,  but  I  am  loth  to  omit  it. 
Clarkson  and  Janney  both  print  it  complete.  It  gives 
in  clear  and  summary  form  a  view  of  the  situation  as  it 
had  been. 

"  London,  29th  4th  mo.  1710. 

"  My  Old  Friends  ! — It  is  a  mournful  consideration,  and  the 
cause  of  deep  afHiction  to  me  that  I  am  forced,  by  the  oppressions 
and  disappointments  which  have  fallen  to  my  share  in  this  life, 
to  speak  to  the  people  of  that  province  in  a  language  I  once  hoped 
I  should  never  have  had  occasion  to  use.  But  the  many  troubles 
and  oppositions  that  I  have  met  with  from  thence  oblige  me,  in 
plainness  and  freedom,  to  expostulate  with  you  concerning  the 
causes  of  them. 

"  When  it  pleased  God  to  open  a  way  for  me  to  settle  that 
colony,  I  had  reason  to  expect  a  solid  comfort  from  the  services 
done  to  many  hundreds  of  people ;  and  it  was  no  small  satis- 
faction to  me  that  I  have  not  been  disappointed  in  seeing  them 
prosper,  and  gro^^^ng  up  to  a  flourishing  country,  blessed  with 
liberty,  ease  and  plenty,  beyond  what  many  of  themselves  could 
expect,  and  wanting  nothing  to  make  themselves  happy  but 
what,  with  a  right  temper  of  mind  and  prudent  conduct,  they 
might  give  themselves.  But,  alas,  as  to  my  part,  instead  of 
reaping  the  like  advantages,  some  of  the  greatest  of  my  troubles 
have  arisen  from  thence.  The  many  combats  I  have  engaged 
in,  the  great  pains  and  incredible  expense  for  your  welfare  and 
ease,  to  the  decay  of  my  former  estate,  of  which  (however  some 
there  would  represent  it)  I  too  sensibly  feel  the  effects,  with  the 
undeserved  opposition  I  have  met  with  from  thence,  sink  me  into 
sorrow,  that,  if  not  supported  by  a  superior  hand,  might  have 
overwhelmed  me  long  ago.  And  I  cannot  but  think  it  hard 
measure,  that,  while  that  has  proved  a  land  of  freedom  and 
flourishing,  it  should  become  to  me,  by  whose  means  it  was  princi- 
pally made  a  country,  the  cause  of  grief,  trouble  and  poverty. 


"  For  this  reason,  I  must  desire  you  all,  even  of  all  professions 
and  degrees,  (for  although  all  have  not  been  engaged  in  the 
measures  that  have  been  taken,  yet  every  man  who  has  interest 
there  is,  or  must  be,  concerned  in  them  by  their  effects) .  I  must 
therefore,  I  say,  desire  you  all,  in  a  serious  and  true  weightiness  of 
mind,  to  consider  what  you  are,  or  have  been  doing  ;  why  matters 
must  be  carried  on  with  these  divisions  and  contentions,  and  what 
real  causes  have  been  given,  on  my  side,  for  that  opposition  to  me 
and  my  interest,  which  I  have  met  with,  as  if  I  were  an  enemy, 
and  not  a  friend,  after  all  I  have  done  and  spent  both  here  and 
there  :  I  am  sure  I  know  not  of  any  cause  whatsoever.  Were  I 
sensible  you  really  wanted  anything  of  me,  in  the  relation  between 
us,  that  would  make  you  happier,  I  should  readily  grant  it  if  any 
reasonable  man  would  say  it  were  fit  for  you  to  demand,  pro- 
vided you  would  also  take  such  measures  as  are  fit  for  me  to 
join  with. 

"  Before  any  one  family  had  transported  themselves  thither,  I 
earnestly  endeavoured  to  form  such  a  model  of  government  as 
might  make  all  concerned  in  it  easy  ;  which,  nevertheless,  was 
subject  to  be  altered  as  there  should  be  occasion.  Soon  after  we 
got  over,  that  model  appeared,  in  some  parts  of  it,  to  be  very  in- 
convenient, if  not  impracticable.  The  numbers  of  members,  both 
in  the  council  and  assembly,  were  much  too  large.  Some  other 
matters  also  proved  inconsistent  with  the  king's  charter  to  me  ;  so 
that,  according  to  the  power  reserved  for  an  alteration,  there  was 
a  necessity  to  make  one,  in  which,  if  the  lower  counties  (the 
territories)  were  brought  in,  it  was  well  known  at  that  time  to  be 
on  a  view  of  advantage  to  the  province  itself,  as  well  as  to  the 
people  of  those  counties,  and  to  the  general  satisfaction  of  those 
concerned,  without  the  least  apprehension  of  any  irregularity 
in  the  method. 

"  Upon  this  they  had  another  charter  passed,  nemine  conira- 
dicenU,  which  I  always  desired  might  be  continued  while  you 
yourselves  would  keep  up  to  it,  and  put  it  in  practice  ;  and  many 
there  know  how  much  it  was  against  my  will,  that,  upon  my  last 
going  over,  it  was  vacated.  But,  after  this  was  laid  aside,  (which 
indeed  was  begun  by  yourselves  in  Colonel  Fletcher's  time,)  I, 
according  to  my  engagement,  left  another,  with  all  the  privileges 
that  were  found  convenient  for  your  good  government ;  and,  if 
any  part  of  it  has  been,  in  any  case,  infringed,  it  was  never  by  my 


approbation.  I  desired  it  might  be  enjoyed  fully.  But,  though 
privileges  ought  to  be  tenderly  preserved,  they  should  not,  on  the 
other  hand,  be  asserted  under  that  name  to  a  licentiousness  : 
the  design  of  government  is  to  preserve  good  order,  which  may 
be  equally  broke  in  upon  by  the  turbulent  endeavours  of  the  people 
as  well  as  the  overstraining  of  powers  in  a  governor.  I  designed 
the  people  should  be  secured  of  an  annual  fixed  election  and 
assembly  ;  and  that  they  should  have  the  same  privileges  in  it  that 
any  other  assembly  has  in  the  queen's  dominions;  among  all 
which  this  is  one  constant  rule,  as  in  the  parliament  here,  that 
they  should  sit  on  their  own  adjournments  ;  but  to  strain  this 
expression  to  a  power  to  meet  at  all  times  during  the  year,  without 
the  governor's  concurrence,  would  be  to  distort  government,  to 
break  the  due  proportion  of  the  parts  of  it,  to  establish  confusion 
in  the  place  of  necessary  order,  and  make  the  legislative  the 
executive  part  of  government.  Yet,  for  obtaining  this  power, 
I  perceive,  much  time  and  money  has  been  spent,  and  great 
struggles  have  been  made,  not  only  for  this,  but  some  other  things 
that  cannot  at  all  be  for  the  advantage  of  the  people  to  be 
possessed  of ;  particularly  the  appointment  of  judges  ;  because 
the  administration  might,  by  such  means,  be  so  clogged,  that  it 
would  be  difficult,  if  possible,  under  our  circumstances,  at  some 
times  to  support  it.  As  for  my  own  part,  as  I  desire  nothing  more 
than  the  tranquillity  and  prosperity  of  the  province  and  govern- 
ment in  all  its  branches,  could  I  see  that  any  of  these  things  that 
have  been  contended  for  would  certainly  promote  these  ends,  it 
would  be  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me  how  they  were  settled. 
But,  seeing  the  frame  of  every  government  ought  to  be  regular 
in  itself,  well  proportioned  and  subordinate  in  its  parts,  and  every 
branch  of  it  invested  with  sufficient  power  to  discharge  its  respec- 
tive duty  for  the  support  of  the  whole,  I  have  cause  to  believe  that 
nothing  could  be  more  destructive  to  it  than  to  take  so  much  of 
the  provision  and  executive  part  of  the  government  out  of  the 
governor's  hands  and  lodge  it  in  an  uncertain  collective  body  ;  and 
more  especially  since  our  government  is  dependent,  and  I  am 
answerable  to  the  crown  if  the  administration  should  fail  and  a 
stop  be  put  to  the  course  of  justice.  On  these  considerations  I 
cannot  think  it  prudent  in  the  people  to  crave  these  powers ; 
because  not  only  I,  but  they  themselves,  would  be  in  danger  of 
suffering  by  it.     Could  I  believe  otherwise,  I  should  not  be  against 


granting  anything  of  this  kind  that  were  asked  of  me  with  any 
degree  of  common  prudence  and  civiHty.  But,  instead  of  finding 
cause  to  beheve  the  contentions  that  have  been  raised  about  these 
matters  have  proceeded  only  from  mistakes  of  judgment,  with 
an  earnest  desire,  notwithstanding,  at  the  bottom,  to  serve  the 
pubHc,  (which,  I  hope,  has  still  been  the  inducement  of  several 
concerned  in  them,)  I  have  had  but  too  sorrowful  a  view  and  sight 
to  complain  of  the  manner  in  which  I  have  been  treated.  The 
attacks  on  my  reputation  ;  the  many  indignities  put  upon  me  in 
papers  sent  over  hither  into  the  hands  of  those  who  could  not 
be  expected  to  make  the  most  discreet  and  charitable  use  of  them  ; 
the  secret  insinuations  against  my  justice,  besides  the  attempt 
made  upon  my  estate  ;  resolves  past  in  the  assemblies  for  turning 
my  quit-rents,  never  sold  by  me,  to  the  support  of  government ; 
my  lands  entered  upon  without  any  regular  method  ;  my  manors 
invaded,  (under  pretence  I  had  not  duly  surveyed  them,)  and  both 
these  by  persons  principally  concerned  in  these  attempts  against 
me  here ;  a  right  to  my  overplus  land  unjustly  claimed  by  the 
possessors  of  the  tracts  in  which  they  are  found  ;  my  private 
estate  continually  exhausting  for  the  support  of  that  government, 
both  here  and  there,  and  no  provision  made  for  it  by  that  country  ; 
to  all  which  I  cannot  but  add  the  violence  that  has  been  particu- 
larly shown  to  my  secretary  ;  of  which  (though  I  shall  by  no  means 
protect  him  in  anything  he  can  be  justly  charged  with,  but  suffer 
him  to  stand  or  fall  by  his  o\^^l  actions)  I  cannot  but  thus  far  take 
notice,  that,  from  all  the  charges  I  have  seen  or  heard  of  against 
him,  I  have  cause  to  believe,  that  had  he  been  as  much  in  oppo- 
sition to  me  as  he  had  been  understood  to  stand  for  me,  he  might 
have  met  with  a  milder  treatment  from  his  persecutors ;  and  to 
think  that  any  man  should  be  the  more  exposed  there  on  my 
account,  and,  instead  of  finding  favour,  meet  \vith  enmity,  for 
his  being  engaged  in  my  service,  is  a  melancholy  consideration. 
In  short,  when  I  reflect  on  all  these  heads,  of  which  I  have  so  much 
cause  to  complain,  and,  at  the  same  time,  think  of  the  hardships 
I  and  my  suffering  family  have  been  reduced  to,  in  no  small 
measure  owing  to  my  endeavours  for  and  disappointments  from 
that  province  ;  I  cannot  but  mourn  the  unhappiness  of  my  portion 
dealt  to  me  from  those  of  whom  I  had  reason  to  expect  much 
better  and  different  things  ;  nor  can  I  but  lament  the  unhappiness 
that  too  many  of  them  are  bringing  upon  themselves,  who, 


instead  of  pursuing  the  amicable  ways  of  peace,  love,  and  unity, 
which  I  at  first  hoped  to  find  in  that  retirement,  are  cherishing  a 
spirit  of  contention  and  opposition,  and,  bhnd  to  their  own 
interest,  are  oversetting  that  foundation  on  which  your  happiness 
might  be  built. 

"  Friends  !  the  eyes  of  many  are  upon  you ;  the  people  of 
many  nations  of  Europe  look  on  that  country  as  a  land  of  ease 
and  quiet,  wishing  to  themselves  in  vain  the  same  blessings  they 
conceive  you  may  enjoy  ;  but,  to  see  the  use  you  make  of  them 
is  no  less  the  cause  of  surprise  to  others,  while  such  bitter  com- 
plaints and  reflections  are  seen  to  come  from  you,  of  which  it  is 
difficult  to  conceive  either  the  sense  or  meaning.  What  are 
the  distresses,  grievances,  and  oppressions,  that  the  papers, 
sent  from  thence,  so  often  say  you  languish  under,  while  others 
have  cause  to  believe  you  have  hitherto  lived,  or  might  hve,  the 
happiest  of  any  in  the  queen's  dominions. 

"  Is  it  such  a  grievous  oppression,  that  the  courts  are  estab- 
lished by  my  power,  founded  on  the  king's  charter,  without  a  law 
of  your  making,  when  upon  the  same  plan  you  propose  ?  If 
this  disturb  any,  take  the  advice  of  other  able  lawyers  on  the  main, 
without  tying  me  up  to  the  opinion  of  principally  one  man, 
whom  I  cannot  think  so  very  proper  to  direct  in  my  affairs,  (for 
I  beUeve  the  late  assembly  have  had  but  that  one  lawyer  amongst 
them,)*  and  I  am  freely  content  you  should  have  any  law  that, 
by  proper  judges,  should  be  found  suitable.  Is  it  your  oppression 
that  the  officers'  fees  are  not  settled  by  an  act  of  assembly  ?  No 
man  can  be  a  greater  enemy  to  extortion  than  myself.  Do,  there- 
fore allow  such  fees  as  may  reasonably  encourage  fit  persons  to 
undertake  these  offices,  and  you  shall  soon  have  (and  should  have 
always  cheerfully  had)  mine,  and,  I  hope,  my  lieutenant's  con- 
currence and  approbation.  Is  it  such  an  oppression  that  licences 
for  public-houses  have  not  been  settled,  as  has  been  proposed  ? 
It  is  a  certain  sign  you  are  strangers  to  oppression,  and  know 
nothing  but  the  name,  when  3'ou  so  highly  bestow  it  on  matters 
so  inconsiderable  ;  but  that  business  I  find  is  adjusted.  Could  I 
know  any  real  oppression  you  lie  under,  that  it  is  in  my  power  to 
remedy,  (and  what  I  wish  you  would  take  proper  measures  to 
remedy,  if  you  truly  feel  any  such),  I  should  be  as  ready,  on  my 
part,  to  remove  them,  as  you  to  desire  it  ;   but  according  to  the 

*  David  Lloyd. 


best  judgment  I  can  make  of  the  complaints  I  have  seen,  (and  you 
once  thought  I  had  a  pretty  good  one),  I  must,  in  a  deep  sense  of 
sorrow,  say,  that  I  fear  the  kind  hand  of  Providence,  that  has  so 
long  favoured  and  protected  you,  will,  by  the  ingratitude  of  many 
there,  to  the  great  mercies  of  God  hitherto  shown  them,  be  at 
length  provoked  to  convince  them  of  their  unworthiness ;  and, 
by  changing  the  blessintrs,  that  so  httle  care  has  been  taken  by  the 
pubUc  to  deserve,  into  calamities,  reduce  those  that  have  been  so 
clamorous  and  causelessly  discontented,  to  a  true,  but  smarting 
sense  of  their  duty.  I  write  not  this  with  a  design  to  include  all ; 
I  doubt  not,  many  of  you  have  been  burdened  at,  and  can  by  no 
means  join  in,  the  measures  that  have  been  taken  ;  but,  while 
such  things  appear  under  the  name  of  an  assembly  that  ought  to 
represent  the  whole,  I  cannot  but  speak  more  generally  than  I 
would  desire,  though  I  am  not  insensible  what  methods  may  be 
used  to  obtain  the  weight  of  such  a  name. 

"  I  have  already  been  tedious,  and  shall  now,  therefore, 
briefly  say,  that  the  opposition  I  have  met  with  from  thence  must 
at  length  force  me  to  consider  more  closely  of  my  own  private 
and  sinking  circumstances  in  relation  to  that  province.  In  the 
mean  time  I  desire  you  all  seriously  to  weigh  what  I  have  wrote, 
together  with  your  duty  to  yourselves,  to  me,  and  to  the  world, 
who  have  their  eyes  upon  you,  and  are  witnesses  of  my  early  and 
earnest  care  for  you.  I  must  think  there  is  a  regard  due  to  me 
that  has  not  of  late  been  paid  ;  pray  consider  of  it  fully,  and  think 
soberly  what  you  have  to  desire  of  me,  on  the  one  hand,  and  ought 
to  perform  to  me  on  the  other  ;  for  from  the  next  assembly  I  shall 
expect  to  know  what  you  resolve,  and  what  I  may  depend  on. 
If  I  must  continue  my  regards  to  you,  let  me  be  engaged  to  it  by 
a  like  disposition  in  you  towards  me.  But  if  a  plurality,  after 
this,  shall  think  they  owe  me  none,  or  no  more  than  for  some  years 
I  have  met  with,  let  it,  on  a  fair  election  be  so  declared,  and  I 
shall  then,  without  further  suspense,  know  what  I  have  to  rely 
upon.  God  give  you  his  wisdom  and  fear  to  direct  you,  that  yet 
our  poor  country  may  be  blessed  with  peace,  love  and  industry, 
and  we  may  once  more  meet  good  friends,  and  live  so  to  the  end, 
our  relation  in  the  truth  having  but  the  same  true  interest. 

"  I  am,  with  great  truth  and  most  sincere  regard,  your  real 
friend,  as  well  as  just  proprietor  and  governor, 

"  William  Penn." 


The  Assembly  made  a  proper  provision  for  the 
expenses  of  government.  In  1711,  on  a  demand  for  a  war 
grant,  the  Assembly  voted  £2,000  for  general  purposes 
to  the  Queen. 

In  1712,  they  passed  an  Act,  on  Quaker  lines,  heavily 
taxing  the  importation  of  negroes  or  Indians.  Unfor- 
tunately, the  Home  Government,  not  being  on  Quaker 
lines,  vetoed  it.  The  trade  interest  in  the  traffic 
in  slaves  was  too  strong  in  England.  The  penalty  for 
this  wickedness  and  greed,  in  the  settlement  of  a  slave 
population  in  the  Southern  States,  in  the  great  war  of  the 
sixties,  and  in  the  race  problem  of  the  future,  is  written 
in  type  as  large  as  that  of  most  of  the  lessons  of  history. 
Yet  there  are  people  still  who  think  that  Quakers  are  im- 
practicable idealists,  and  that  immediate  trade  interests 
alone  are  what  sober  and  sensible  people  should  consider. 
The  tax  of  ;,r20  per  head  on  imported  slaves  passed  by 
the  Assembly  was  in  fact  prohibitive,  and  was  imposed 
after  the  request  of  a  Friend  named  William  Southeby 
for  the  total  abolition  of  slavery.  It  was  about  the  middle 
of  the  eighteenth  century  before  Friends  officially,  under 
the  influence  of  John  Woolman,  Anthony  Benezet  and 
Benjamin  Lay,  pronounced  against  slavery  altogether. 
Woolman' s  "  Considerations  on  the  keeping  of  Negroes  " 
came  out  in  1754.  In  1758  the  Yearly  Meeting  committed 
itself  to  the  Anti-Slavery  crusade,  which  proved  to  be 
the  work  of  a  hundred  years.  By  the  time  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary War  they  had  persuaded  all  their  members  to 
fall  into  line,  except  a  few  who  were  finally  disowned.* 

Oldmixon,  a  strong  supporter  of  the  Revolution,  in 
his  "  Account  of  the  British  Empire  in  America,"  (1708) 
gives  us  an  unbiassed  view  of  the  troubles  between  Penn 
and  his  colonists,  thus  : — 

"  We  shall  not  enter  into  any  enquiries  into  the  causes  of  the 
trouble  that  has  been  given  Mr.  Penn  lately  about  the  Province 

*  Isaac  Sharpless,  "  Quakers  in  American  Colonies,"  chap.  VII. 


of  Pennsylvania  :  it  appears  to  us,  by  what  we  have  heard  of  it 
from  others,  for  from  himself  we  never  had  any  information 
concerning  it,  that  he  has  been  involved  in  it  by  his  bounty  to  the 
Indians,  his  generosity  in  minding  the  public  affairs  of  the  Colony 
more  than  his  own  private  ones,  his  humanity  to  those  who  have 
not  made  suitable  returns,  his  confidence  in  those  who  have 
betrayed  him,  and  the  rigour  of  the  severest  equity,  a  word  that 
borders  the  nearest  to  injustice  of  any.  'Tis  certainly  the 
duty  of  this  Colony  to  maintain  the  Proprietary,  who  has  laid  out 
his  all  for  the  maintenance  of  them,  in  the  possession  of  his 
territory  ;  and  public  gratitude  ought  to  make  good  what  they 
reap  the  benefit  of."* 

Richard  Hill  was  during  these  years  the  leading  Quaker 
and  friend  of  the  proprietor  of  the  colony.  Gookin,  who 
grew  queer,  accused  him  of  intending  to  proclaim  the 
Pretender  as  King.  Logan  wrote  to  England  urging  that 
Gookin  be  removed  and  his  place  filled  by  Colonel  Keith, 
a  Scotchftnan  who  inherited  a  baronetcy  during  his  gover- 
norship and  became  Sir  William  Keith,  controlling  the 
affairs  of  Pennsylvania  for  nine  years  beginning  in  May, 
1717.  But  we  have  now  reached  the  time  when  William 
Penn's  troubled  life  came  to  an  end,  and  we  need  not  carry 
further  the  local  politics  of  Pennsylvania.  At  this  time 
it  is  estimated  that  there  were  forty  thousand  Europeans 
in  the  colony,  of  whom  one  half  belonged  to  the  Society 
of  Friends.  Philadelphia  w^as  a  city  of  ten  thousand 
population.  Clarkson  gives  a  population  of  60,000  in 
Penn's  dominions,  probably  including  the  territories,  now 
Delaware.  None  of  the  proprietor's  descendants  who 
inherited  Pennsylvania  were  Friends.  They  became 
merged  in  the  ranks  of  the  aristocracy,  and  the  main- 
tenance of  the  principles  of  the  founder  lay  with  the 
Quaker  Assembly. 

The  affairs  of  the  colony  settled  down  into  a  more 
peaceful  habit  than  in  the  troubled  years  we  have  recently 
recounted.     David  Lloyd  who,  from  17 11  onwards  con- 

*  Clarkson,  II.,  p.  299. 


tinued  to  take  a  prominent  place  in  public  affairs,  signed 
the  affectionate  memorial  to  William  Penn  which  Friends 
sent  after  his  death.  He  became  friendly  with  Logan 
as  both  grew  old,  and  helped  him  in  elucidating  the  pro- 
prietary title  to  the  Lower  Counties,  which  included  his 
home  at  Chester.*  Year  by  year  a  Quaker  majority 
existed  in  the  Assembly,  even  when  the  Friends  fell  to 
about  one-seventh  of  the  population.  The  colony  sur- 
passed all  the  other  older  colonies  in  prosperity.  The 
same  men  were  elected  without  contest  year  by  year  in 
much  peace  and  quietness.  Pennsylvania  in  the  colonial 
period  must  have  been  one  of  the  happiest  places  that 
have  ever  existed  as  the  home  of  man  on  the  restless  planet. 
Much  of  this  tranquillity  was  aided  by  the  fact  that  Great 
Britain  was  not  at  war  with  France  for  much  of  this 
period.     When  war  began  in  1744  troubles  began  too. 

The  Seven  Years  War,  which  began  in  1756,  finally 
crippled  William  Penn's  Holy  Experiment.  The  church 
party  and  military  party  at  home  were  attempting  to 
pass  an  act  imposing  the  oath  for  all  colonial  assemblies, 
which  would  have  had  the  effect  of  a  Test  Act,  and 
excluded  Friends.  Leading  Friends  in  London,  under  the 
guidance  of  Dr.  John  Fothergill,  thought  that  this  could  be 
avoided  if  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  consented  to  resign 
their  seats  in  the  Assembly  and  no  longer  attempted  to 
control  the  policy  of  the  colony.  They  decided  that  this 
was  the  lesser  of  two  evils,  and  most  of  them  retired 
from  the  Assembly  and  undertook  to  abandon  politics. 
However  judicious  such  a  course  was  felt  to  be  at  the  time, 
it  resulted  in  disaster  to  the  Society  of  Friends  in  divorcing 
it  from  a  share  in  public  affairs. 

At  the  close  of  the  colonial  period,  about  1760,  there 
were  20,000  people  in  Philadelphia  and  200,000  in  the 
Province,  f     It  was  second  only  to  New  England  in  size. 

*  Janney,  p.  556. 

t  Anderson,  "  Historical  and  Chronological  Deductions  of  the  Origin 
of  Commerce,"  quoted  by  Clarkson,  II.,  p.  423. 


Alone  among  the  colonies,  its  paper  money,  cautiously 
issued  and  well  secured,  never  depreciated. 

The  mild  penal  code  of  1682  confined  the  death  penalty 
to  murder  and  treason.  So  far  as  is  known  there  was 
only  one  execution,  and  that  for  murder,  before  1700. 
Penn  disliked  even  so  much  use  of  the  despairing  penalty 
of  death  ;  but  he  appears  to  have  been  influenced  by  the 
text,  "  Whoever  shall  shed  man's  blood,  by  man  shall  his 
blood  be  shed."  Under  his  own  guidance  he  saw  "  the 
wickedness  of  exterminating,  where  it  was  possible  to 
reform."  He  required  two  witnesses,  proof  of  clear 
premeditation,  and  the  sanction  of  the  Executive,  before 
execution.  In  1718,  the  year  of  his  death,  a  poHtical 
bargain  with  the  English  government  was  made,  by  which 
affirmations  were  sanctioned  throughout,  instead  of  oaths ; 
but  some  dozen  offences  were  added  to  the  capital  Hst. 
The  Assembly  were  clearly  some  way  behind  Penn  in  this 
matter.  When,  after  the  Revolution,  the  State  regained 
complete  autonomy,  it  restored  Penn's  original  law, 
and  has  kept  it.  It  also  carried  out  Penn's  second 
principle  that  prisons  should  be  workshops.  Clarkson, 
who  was  an  expert  in  philanthropic  work  of  this  kind, 
wrote  in  1813  that  Pennsylvania  was  the  only  state  in  the 
world  with  a  really  enlightened  penal  code. 

We  may  sum  up  the  results  of  the  Holy  Experiment 
at  the  cost  of  a  little  repetition. 

This  great  attempt  to  conduct  a  state  without  an  army 
or  fleet,  with  no  class  distinctions  dependent  on  status 
as  was  the  case  in  Virginia  and  the  Carolinas,  entirely 
democratic,  the  home  of  religious  liberty,  without  an 
established  church,  open  to  all  mankind  without  dis- 
tinction of  nationality,  with  a  humane  penal  code,  and 
with  a  daring  application  of  Christianity  to  the  treat- 
ment of  natives,  this  "  holy  experiment,"  achieved 
its  century  of  success  in  spite  of  the  outside  diffi- 
culties we  have  recorded.  These  do  not  take  away 
from     the     proved    efficiency    of     Christian    principles. 


though  they  debarred  the  Founder  from  the  advantage 
of  laboratory  conditions. 

The  British  Empire  was  engaged  during  most  of  the 
colony's  formative  and  difficult  years  in  two  long  wars 
with  France,  the  war  of  the  Grand  Alliance,  and  the  war 
of  the  Spanish  Succession,  covering  with  brief  intervals 
the  whole  active  life  of  William  Penn  after  the  Revolution. 
Moreover  France  was  the  rival  power  in  America,  and  wars 
against  the  French  in  Canada  and  their  allied  Indians 
were  part  of  the  European  struggle.  The  threat  to  unify 
the  British  command  by  taking  away  his  Government  was 
always  hanging  over  Penn ;  and  was,  for  two  years, 
actually  carried  out.  The  contest  with  the  demands  of 
the  Imperial  connection  did  in  fact  so  discourage  Penn, 
that  nothing  but  an  unexpected  stroke  of  paralysis  at 
the  nick  of  time  saved  the  proprietary  Government  in 

An  even  more  disastrous  consequence  of  this  perilous 
tenure  was  that  it  kept  William  Penn  in  London  for  long 
periods  of  years  ;  so  that  he  only  spent  two  periods  of  two 
years  each  on  the  Delaware.  He  had  to  be  on  his  defence 
at  headquarters.  This  gave  the  opportunity  to  faction, 
which  lowered  its  flag  always  to  the  proprietor  and  father 
of  the  country,  but  thought  little  of  deputies. 

The  difficulty  of  the  narrative  is  to  account  for  the 
behaviour  of  the  settlers  in  his  absence,  seeing  that, 
to  begin  with,  the  colonists  were  all  Friends,  who  owed 
the  peace  of  their  homes  and  freedom  from  persecution  to 
their  beloved  Friend  WiUiam  Penn.  On  this  point  we 
may  say: — 

Firstly,  that  very  soon  others  began  to  come  : 
Anglicans,  who  thought  Friends  a  queer  common  lot  of 
people  and  complained  of  persecution,  which  they  frankly 
defined  as  a  refusal  of  the  superior  standing  they  held 
in  England  :  Presbyterians  from  Scotch  families  in  Ulster, 
a  dogmatic  race,  whose  Calvinism  was  the  antithesis 
of   the   benignant   Quaker  faith  in  the  light   and  grace 


within.  These  men  in  after  years  made  Indian  troubles 
by  a  policy  of  violence  and  robbery,  quoting  Joshua  and 
"  driving  out  the  heathen  that  the  saints  might  possess 
the  land." 

Secondly,  there  were  the  Keithians,  a  term  in  common 
use  :  separatist  Friends  whose  theology  was  more  Pres- 
byterian or  Anglican  than  Quaker,  and  who  hated  William 
Penn  and  the  Friends  they  had  left.  Logan  wrote  in 
1706,  "  It  is  the  very  leaven  of  George  Keith  left  among 
the  people  at  his  separation,  and  now  fermenting  up  again  ; 
and  these  proceedings  are  contrary  to  the  minds  of  honest 
Friends,  as  appears  by  their  letter  of  1705." 

Thirdly,  the  desire  not  to  pay  quit-rents,  not  to  pay 
for  the  expenses  of  government,  and  to  plunder  a  landlord, 
is  a  quality  of  the  human  nature  of  certain  people,  apart 
altogether  from  religious  affiliation. 

Fourthly,  it  is  plain  that  when  roused  to  political 
activity  by  a  sense  of  right,  loyal  Friends  had  control 
when  they  chose  to  exercise  it.  Witness  the  revulsions 
of  1705  and  1710,  the  steady  government  and  absence  of 
party  spirit  for  thirty  years  after  that  date,  and  the 
general  wisdom  of  the  Assembly  so  long  as  it  lasted. 

The  presence  of  a  British  Court  of  Admiralty,  under 
Colonel  Quarry,  a  hotbed  of  slander  constantly  pouring  in 
to  the  Home  Government ;  and  the  difficulty  about 
Friends  administering  oaths,  were  other  troubles  which 
had  to  be  overcome. 

When  the  Seven  Years  War  set  Great  Britain  and 
France  into  their  central  conflict  for  dominance  on  the 
American  continent,  it  was  found  that  the  only  way  to 
keep  the  Charter  was  for  Friends  to  withdraw  voluntarily 
from  the  position  of  a  majority  in  the  Assembly.  Their 
methods  and  policy  were,  however,  continued  by  their 
successors,  elected  by  the  same  votes  as  before,  and  the 
essential  control  remained  on  William  Penn's  lines  till 
the  Revolution  swept  away  the  separateness  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, and  merged  the  colonies  into  the  Federation  of  the 


United  States.  If  the  advice  of  the  Pennsylvanian 
Friends  had  been  followed,  it  is  believed  that  that  war, 
due  again  to  the  Tory  Imperialism  of  British  politicians, 
might  have  been  avoided.  But  the  foolish  raid  on  tea- 
chests  in  Boston  harbour  threw  that  hope  away. 

It  will  be  well  to  conduct  the  story  of  the  Founder's 
Indian  policy  further,  though  it  is  not  (happily)  part  of  his 

There  was  nothing  original  about  Penn's  way  of  land 
purchase.  It  was  already  the  established  practice  on  the 
Delaware  and  in  the  other  colonies.  But  it  was  the 
honesty  and  friendliness  with  which  it  was  done  that  made 
all  the  difference.  Penn  did  not  make  the  Indians  drunk, 
nor  cheat  them  with  false  maps  or  false  weights,  nor  kill 
them  nor  steal  from  them,  nor  ignore  any  claim  for  owner- 
ship. Unfortunately,  his  descendants  and  the  Scotch- 
Irish  colonists  were  unscrupulous,  and  caused  the  two 
Indian  wars  of  the  colonial  period.  So  long  as  James 
Logan  lived,  that  is,  till  175 1,  he  managed  the  Indians 
on  his  old  master's  lines. 

But  before  that  the  seeds  of  trouble  had  been  sown. 
Thomas  Penn,  the  son  of  the  founder,  and  the  active 
Governor  of  the  Province,  desired  in  1737  to  sell  and  develop 
the  hereditary  lands  of  the  Minisink  Indians,  a  branch  of  the 
Delawares,  north  of  the  junction  of  the  Lehigh  River  with 
the  Delaware.  There  was  said  to  be  an  old  agreement  made 
by  William  Penn  which  gave  him  land  extending  north 
from  the  limit  of  previous  ownership  as  much  as  a  man 
could  walk  in  a  day  and  a  half.  This  was  a  well  under- 
stood standard.  An  ordinary  group  of  whites  and  Indians 
walked  through  the  brush,  stopped  for  lunch,  clambered 
over  creeks,  and  did  their  twenty  miles  through  the  forest 
in  a  day.  This  would  have  taken  them  to  the  intended 
place  where  the  rivers  met.  But  Thomas  Penn  wanted 
to  sell  land  north  of  this ;  on  which  settlers  indeed  already 
squatted.  He  had  abandoned  Quakerism  and  all  his 
father's  idealism.     He  decided  to  cheat.     Two  athletes 


■  -J 

INDIAN      WALK      MONUMENT      AT      WRIGHTSTOWN.      BUCKS      CO., 


The  stones  are  placed  at  the  spot  where  the  Indian  Walk  of  September  19.  1737.  began. 

(See   page   28Pi) 


were  trained,  a  path  was  cut  beforehand,  boats  were 
ready  at  the  fords,  horses  carried  food  and  camp  utensils. 
They  covered  sixty  miles ;  and  then  they  drew  a  line  slanting 
still  further  north.  So  much  for  cleverness.  The 
Indians,  whose  ancestral  home  was  there,  did  not  move. 
The  Quaker  Assembly  refused  to  help  the  Governor  to 
move  them.  So  he  brought  in  the  Minisinks'  overlords, 
the  terrible  Iroquois  of  New  York.  They,  corrupted,  and 
flattered  by  consultation,  told  their  dependents  or 
subjects  that  they  had  no  right  to  make  treaties  at  all, 
and  sent  them  off  westwards,  in  1742.  They  left  their 
lands,  cherishing  wrath  in  their  hearts.  Other  oppres- 
sions followed ;  and  in  1754,  the  proprietors  bought 
nearly  the  whole  of  Western  Pennsylvania,  not  from 
them  but  from  the  Iroquois.  The  French  were  there 
to  promise  aid  and  fan  their  ancient  anger ;  and 
when  Braddock  was  defeated  by  the  French  at  Fort 
Du  Ouesne,  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania  flamed  for  the  first 
time  in  war.  It  was  over  the  question  of  supplies  for 
this  war  that  the  attempt  to  exclude  Friends  from  the 
legislature  led  to  their  resignation  in  a  body  in  1756. 

They  were  now  free  to  take  up  their  proper  work  of 
peace.  "  The  Friendly  Association  for  gaining  and 
preserving  peace  with  the  Indians  by  pacific  measures  " 
was  formed,  and  the  requisite  money  was  subscribed,  far 
in  excess  of  war  taxes.  The  Governor  and  his  Council 
offered,  instead  of  the  Indian  presents  customary  in 
time  of  peace,  rewards  for  male  and  female  Indian  scalps. 
But  now  conferences  began.  The  northern  Delawares 
under  their  great  chief  Tedyuscung,  and  supported  by 
Israel  Pemberton  and  a  good  company  of  Friends,  made 
many  speeches.  They  were  at  Easton,  on  "  Walking 
Purchase "  land.  "  This  very  land,"  and  he  stamped 
his  foot,  "  was  taken  from  me  by  fraud."  Another 
conference  was  held  next  year,  Tedyuscung  agreeing  on 
condition  that  Friends  were  present.  Through  their 
help  he  insisted  on  the  presence  of  a  shorthand  clerk,  and 



chose  for  that  duty  the  master  of  the  Friends'  School. 
A  third  year  they  held  a  still  larger  conference  ; 
Tedyuscung  obtained  some  sort  of  compensation  for  the 
Walking  Purchase,  and  other  presents  from  the  Friendly 
Association.  Similar  methods  prevailed  in  the  West. 
The  Association  lent  the  Assembly  money,  and  goods  went 
to  the  Indians  at  Pittsburgh.     It  cost  Friends  £5,000. 

The  "  Paxton  Boys "  were  a  set  of  Scotch-Irish 
colonists  on  the  Susquehanna,  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Lancaster.  Near  them,  in  1763,  dwelt  the  remains  of  a 
tribe  of  Conestoga  Indians,  much  thinned  by  European 
vices  and  diseases,  and  chiefly  women  and  children. 
These,  for  no  very  cogent  reason,  they  massacred,  and 
yet  remained  secure  in  the  support  of  their  neighbours. 
They  now  threatened  the  same  fate  to  a  band  of  Indians 
converted  by  the  Moravians,  and  moved  for  safety  into 
Philadelphia.  The  Ulstermen  marched,  several  hundred 
strong,  and  encamped  at  Germantown,  some  ten  miles 
from  the  centre  of  the  city.  The  town  flew  to  arms, 
some  young  Friends  included ;  and  the  Meeting  House, 
the  day  being  cold,  was  used  as  a  rendezvous,  and  by 
bizarre  happening,  the  guns  were  stacked  in  the  ministers' 
gallery.  No  actual  force  was  needed  with  these  heroes. 
Franklin  conferred  with  them,  Governor  John  Penn,  the 
grandson  of  the  Founder,  promised  them  rewards  for 
Indian  scalps,  and  they  bounced  back  home. 

The  reader  now  has  both  sides  of  the  shield,  and 
material  for  drawing  his  own  conclusions  about  the  colony.* 

♦  These  incidents  are  in  all  the  histories.  They  are  most  ably  and 
clearly  treated  in  the  books  of  Isaac  Sharpless  and  Howard  M.  Jenkins, 
noted  in  the  preface. 


The   Fords 

During  the  troubled  years  recorded  early  in  the  last  chap- 
ter we  must  think  of  William  Penn  once  more  going  about 
the  Court  freely  and  transacting  much  business  with  the 
Government  offices.  The  death  of  William  III.  and  the 
accession  of  Anne  in  1702,  made  him  once  more  welcome 
in  the  royal  circle  ;  for  Anne,  like  her  sister  Mary,  did 
not  forget  her  father's  friend.  On  his  return  from 
America,  he  was  for  a  while  in  lodgings  at  Kensington. 
In  1703  he  took  a  house  at  Knightsbridge,  Hyde  Park; 
thence  he  moved  in  1706  out  to  a  house  a  mile  from 
Brentford.  Worminghurst  had  been  sold  at  a  good  price. 
In  1705  we  find  him  apologising  for  not  being  able  to  write 
much  or  to  write  himself,  because  his  hand  is  affected  by 
what  he  is  told  is  incipient  gout.  He  was  then  sixty-one 
years  old.  But  we  find  him  writing  a  little,  doing 
prefaces  to  a  few  books,  issuing  More  Fruits  of  Solitude, 
and  travelling  in  the  ministry  in  the  West  of  England. 
We  now  reach  the  worst,  and  happily  the  last,  of 
the  money  troubles  caused  by  fraud  and  meanness 
acting  upon  a  generous  and  trustful  disposition.  His 
affairs  had  for  many  years  been  in  the  hands  of 
Philip  Ford,  a  Friend  of  Bristol,  as  lawyer  and  land 
agent.  This  man,  who  had  a  good  reputation  and  manner, 
had  developed  into  a  first-class  rogue.  On  the  psychology 
of  an  early  Quaker  rogue  one  might,  at  an  earlier  date, 
have  said, 

"  And  now  Robert  Browning,  you  writer  of  plaj'^s, 
Here  is  a  subject  made  to  your  hand." 


This  fraud  had  had  something  to  do  with  the  chronic 
want  of  money  felt  for  years.  In  1702,  Philip  Ford 
died.  Immediately  his  widow,  Bridget,  a  terror  of  a 
woman,  though  always  confined  to  her  bed,  and  her  son 
Philip,  who  did  what  she  told  him,  presented  her  husband's 
astonished  employer  with  an  account  for  £14.000,  for 
immediate  payment,  on  pain  of  losing  his  whole  property 
in  Pennsylvania.  The  reader  will  know  what  this  would 
feel  like,  on  the  top  of  the  financial  burdens  which  were 
already  more  than  he  could  carry.  He  had  never 
checked  Ford's  accounts,  and  had  signed  in  full  confidence 
whatever  he  was  asked  to  sign,  by  his  Quaker  man  of 
business.  When  needing  money  to  go  to  America  in 
1699,  he  unfortunately  borrowed  £2,800  from  Ford,  and 
gave' him— avowedly  as  a  mere  matter  of  form— what 
Penn  believed  to  be  a  mortgage  on  the  colonial  property. 
But  it  was  really  a  deed  of  sale,  so  that  when  he  went  to 
his  province  he  went  in  fact  to  what  was  no  longer  his 
own.  He  had  sold  it  to  Ford  according  to  the  deed,  and 
had  it  leased  back  to  him  at  a  rental.  How  the  evil 
household  at  Bristol  must  have  chuckled  as  they  thought 
of  their  dupe  playing  at  being  landlord  and  Governor, 
and  they  biding  their  time.  Many  payments  passed 
through  the  firm's  hands  both  ways,  and  Penn,  speaking 
from  memory  and  general  impressions,  thought  the  £2,800 
had  been  about  repaid,  when  the  account  of  £14,000  was 


Henry  Goldney  and  Herbert  Springett,  a  relative  of 
Guli's,  men  of  legal  experience,  came  to  his  aid.  More 
by  good  luck  than  any  care  on  his  own  part,  "  through 
Providence,  rather  than  by  my  carefulness,"  a  complete 
set  of  accounts  was  found  among  his  papers  by  Penn. 
He    had    actually    never    opened    them.     The    papers 

revealed  that : 

(i)  The  Fords  had  charged  interest  on  all  their 
advances,  but  had  allowed  none  on  their  receipts— a  very 
simple  form  of  extortion. 

THE  FORDS  293 

(2)  They  had  charged  eight  per  cent,  interest,  instead 
of  the  legal  six  per  cent. 

(3)  They  had  charged  compound  interest,  posting  it 
up  every  six  months  or  oftener,  even  when,  on  balance, 
they  held  Penn's  money. 

(4)  On  payments  in  and  out  they  had  charged 
two-and-a-half  per  cent,  commission,  instead  of  the 
usual  half  per  cent.,  and  the  swollen  interest  payments 
were  also  charged  this  five-times-too-large  agent's  com- 

(5)  When  any  land  was  sold  by  Penn,  they  took  the 
money  to  themselves,  as  if  the  land  were  theirs.  Penn 
sold  a  lot  for  £2,000  and  sent  Ford  £615  to  liquidate  his 
debt.  This  appears  in  the  account  as  a  loan  by  Ford  to 
Penn  of  ;^i,385,  subject  to  commission  and  eight  per 
cent,  compound  interest. 

It  transpired  on  examining  the  accounts  that  Ford  had 
received  £17,859  on  account  of  Penn,  and  had  paid  out 
£16,200  ;  leaving  a  net  receipt  by  Ford,  commissions  apart, 
of  £1,659.  This  he  had  by  the  above  jerrymandering 
changed  to  a  net  sum  of  £14,000  due  to  him.  The  excess 
charges  on  interest  and  commission  were  found  to  amount 
to  £9,697  ;  leaving  £4,303  of  the  demands.  Penn  offered 
to  settle  it  at  this  sum  ;  but  they  refused  and  relied  on 
their  deed  of  sale.  To  avoid  scandal  and  waste,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  sound  practice  of  Friends,  Penn  in 
1705  proposed  arbitration,  either  by  Friends  or  others. 
But  this — very  naturally — the  rogues  refused.  Penn 
reminded  the  widow  of  the  words  of  her  husband  which  had 
been  spoken  in  her  presence,  about  the  formal  nature  of 
the  deed  of  mortgage,  now  found  to  be  a  deed  of  sale. 
She  cared  nothing  for  that,  but  would  have  her  bond.  The 
matter  went  to  Chancery,  and  of  course  the  deed  was 
found  to  be  sound,  and  a  common  law  action  for  £2,000 
of  "  rent  "  under  the  "  lease  "  with  heavy  costs  was  won 
by  the  Fords.  Thus  emboldened,  Ford  went  with  a 
constable  to  Gracechurch  Street  Meeting  and  tried  to  arrest 


William  Penn  in  the  ministers'  gallery,  during  worship. 
They  were  stopped  by  Henry  Goldney  and  Herbert 
Springett  coming  out,  and  inducing  them  to  wait  awhile, 
by  promising  that  he  would  come  to  them  shortly.  He 
did  so,  and  then,  on  legal  and  friendly  advice,  went  in 
January,  1708  (new  style)  into  the  Fleet  prison  as  a  debtor 
rather  than  suffer  villainy  to  succeed.  Thus  was  one  of  the 
foremost  men  of  the  time  lodged  in  his  old  age  in  a 
debtor's  prison. 

The  feeling  roused  was  great.  His  lodgings  in  the 
Old  Bailey  were  comfortable,  and  he  received  his  Friends 
and  held  Meetings  for  Worship.  Sidney  Godolphin, 
Lord  Treasurer,  thought  the  Government  might  lend  him 
£7,000  for  the  service  of  the  colony,  to  be  repaid  in  nine 
years.  Meantime,  young  Ford  went  over  to  Pennsylvania 
and  made  a  dire  and  dangerous  conjunction  with  the 
other  evil  stars.  Quarry  and  David  Lloyd.  He  fomented 
disloyalty,  and  returned  to  England  threatening  dis- 
turbance if  the  colony  were  not  admitted  to  be  his.  He 
circularised  the  owners  of  land,  threatening  them  if 
they  paid  anything  to  Logan.  Evans  behaved  with 
loyalty  and  success  in  opposition  to  this  attack  upon  his 
employer.  The  Fords  did  not  stick  at  petitioning  the 
Queen  for  a  new  charter,  "  ordering  obedience  to 
Governor  Philip  or  to  Governor  Bridget,"  mocked  Isaac 
Norris  in  a  letter  to  Logan.  But  a  check  came.  Lord 
Chancellor  Cowper  gave  a  judgment  against  them  on  the 
new  charter  question,  and  lectured  them  with  extreme 
severity.  They  began  to  be  afraid.  Another  fraud  was 
found.  Ford  had  credited  himself  with  having  paid 
£1,200  into  the  stock  of  the  Society,  whereas  he  had  only 
paid  £500.  The  overcharge,  including  Ford's  way  of 
adding  interest,  amounted  to  £3,249.  This  deducted  from 
£4,303,  left  only  £1,054  owing.  Both  sides  were  now 
willing  to  settle.  Friends,  including  Thomas  Callowhill 
his  father-in-law,  raised  £6,800,  for  which  they  took  a 
mortgage  on  the  Province,  and  Ford   and    his    mother 

THE  FORDS  295 

accepted  this  amount  of  booty  as  a  settlement.  Penn's 
legal  advisers  did  it  for  him,  and  then  obtained  his  acquies- 
cence for  the  sake  of  peace.  He  left  the  Old  Bailey  for 
his  home  at  Brentford  in  December  1708,  after  eleven 
months  confinement.  The  courage  and  calm  he  had  shown 
under  these  troubles  struck  everyone.  Isaac  Norris, 
his  chief  friend  in  Philadelphia,  writes  when  over  in 
London  :  "  The  more  he  is  pressed,  the  more  he  rises. 
He  seems  of  a  spirit  to  bear  and  rub  through  difficulties  ; 
and,  as  thou  observes,  his  foundation  remains."  Thomas 
Callowhill  writes  :  "  Neither  he  nor  my  daughter  sinks 
under  it,  but  from  the  Divine  power  have  supports  to 
their  spirits."  James  Logan  writes :  "  One  would  think 
there  was  almost  a  commission  granted,  as  against  Job, 
for  his  trial ;  for  such  an  accumulation  of  adversaries  has 
seldom  been  known  to  attack  a  man  that  so  little  deserved 
them.  It  must  be  confessed  that  something  of  it  all  is 
owing  to  his  easiness  and  want  of  caution."  "  I  bless  the 
Lord,  I  am  yet  upon  my  rock,  a  lasting  foundation," 
writes  Penn. 


Last    Days 

In  1709  Penn  wrote  an  account  of  the  Life  and  Writings 
of  Sir  Btilsifode  Whitlocke,  prefixed  to  Whitlocke's 
' '  Memorials  of  English  Affairs,  from  the  supposed  expedition 
of  Brute  to  this  Island,  to  the  death  of  James  I." 
Whitlocke  was  one  of  the  lawyers  of  the  Long  Parlia- 
ment and  the  Commonwealth,  who  figures  largely  among 
the  sources  in  Carlyle's  Cromwell.  He  was  heavily  fined 
at  the  Restoration,  lived  a  country  life  in  Wiltshire,  where 
he  wrote  this  history,  and  entertained  ejected  ministers. 
Penn  had  known  him,  and  from  the  quotation  he  gives  of 
his  views  the  old  Puritan  leader  had  clearly  come  to 
essential  Quakerism.  "  My  religion  is  the  good  spirit  of 
God  in  my  heart  ;  I  mean,  what  that  has  wrought  in  me 
and  for  me."  After  a  Friends'  meeting  at  his  house,  he 
rose  up,  pulled  off  his  hat  and  said,"  This  is  the  everlasting 
gospel  I  have  heard  this  day — the  ancient  gospel  is  again 
preached  to  them  that  dwell  upon  the  earth."  It  is  good 
thus  to  hear  of  one  of  the  Commonwealth  men  faithful 
and  still  learning  in  evil  days.  The  above  is  taken  from 
§xxxv.  in  No  Cross,  no  Ctown.  In  1711  a  volume  of 
"  Discourses  delivered  in  his  own  family,  by  that  great 
man.  Sir  Bulstrode  Whitlocke,"  quite  on  Friends'  lines, 
was  published,  with  an  introductory  Epistle  by  William 

In  1709  we  hear  of  another  ministerial  tour  in  the 
south  and  west.  In  February  1712  (new  style)  he  dic- 
tated a  preface  to  the  Journal  of  John  Banks,  one  of  the 


THE      BUST      COPIED      FROM       IVORY      MODEL      OF      WILLIAM      PENN,       MADE 

FROM       MEMORY      AFTER      HIS      DEATH       BY      SYLVANUS      SEVAN. 

(See  note    page   330-) 

LAST  DAYS  297 

original  pioneers  who  came  out  from  Brigham  in  Cumber- 
land in  George  Fox's  earliest  mission.  This  was  his  last 
effort  in  the  long  labour  of  authorship.  He  walked  about 
dictating,  with  cane  in  hand,  useful  for  marking  emphasis, 
and  "  gave  an  occasional  answer  to  other  matters  inter- 
vening" (poor  man).  Thus  his  last  published  words  went 
back  in  gratitude  across  forty-four  years  to  one  who 
had  been  a  father  to  him  "  in  the  light,  spirit,  grace  and 
truth  of  Christ  in  the  inward  parts." 

One  is  glad  to  think  that  two  years  of  happy  experience 
of  the  fruition  of  his  lifelong  hopes  and  labours  over  the 
sea  was  granted  to  William  Penn  in  the  evening  of  his 
life,  whilst  he  still  retained  all  the  fulness  of  his  faculties. 
We  still  hear  in  his  letters  of  his  wish  to  return  to  his 
reconciled  province  ;  but  we  are  left  to  infer  that  his  wife's 
wishes  or  want  of  money  prevailed.  In  1710,  at  any  rate, 
he  took  a  handsome  house  at  Ruscombe,  near  Twyford, 

The  negotiations  for  the  sale  to  the  Crown  of  the  right 
of  government  in  Pennsylvania  still  dragged  on.  Penn 
needed  money  to  repay  his  friendly  creditors,  and  his  son 
William  was  unfit  to  be  Governor.  The  conflict  between 
Quaker  ideas  on  war,  and  allegiance  to  the  Crown,  seemed 
insoluble.  Finally,  it  appeared  that  he  could  arrange  with 
the  Government  to  provide  for  the  democracy  and  the 
religious  liberty  of  the  colony  ;  and  an  agreement  for 
the  sale  of  the  Governor's  rights  for  £12,000  was  made 
with  the  Lord  Treasurer  by  the  summer  of  1712.  In 
October  he  was  writing  to  Logan  expressing  regret  that 
Friends  in  England  and  America  had  not  been  willing  to 
incorporate  a  body  of  themselves,  to  buy  the  Charter 
and  rule  in  his  stead.  This  would  have  been  the  right 
course.  Under  it  the  colony  would  have  been  a  true 
democracy,  and  the  sons  of  WilHam  Penn  would  not  have 
been  able  to  give  him  away,  as  they  did.  "  But,"  he 
adds  bitterly,  "  I  am  not  to  be  heard  either  in  civils  or 
spirituals   till    I    am    dead."     He   refers   to   the   "  mad. 


bullying  treatment  "  he  had  had  from  his  son-in-law 
Aubrey  about  money  matters,  his  "  tempestuous  and 
most  rude  treatment  of  my  wife  and  self."  But  before 
this  sad  letter  was  finished  his  pen  dropped  from  his  hand 
and  he  wrote  no  more  letters.  He  had  had  one  attack  of 
what  Hannah  Penn  called  his  lethargic  illness  in  London 
six  months  before,  from  which  he  had  recovered  ;  but 
this  one  left  him  seriously  weaker,  and  a  third  attack  three 
months  later  left  him  permanently  enfeebled,  memory 
gone,  intellect  clouded  and  childish,  but  all  his  sweetness 
and  happiness  left,  his  love  to  God  and  man.  Contem- 
porary letters  and  Joseph  Besse  in  his  "  Life  "  speak  of  his 
attacks  as  apoplexy.  Dixon  calls  it  paralysis,  and  Janney 
seems  to  favour  that  view.  Once  Hannah  Penn  calls  it  a 
paralytic  disorder,  and  she  also  called  it  his  translation  ; 
it  seemed  like  being  born  again  a  little  child.  But  the 
William  Penn  we  have  known  closed  his  career  at  the  end 
of  1712. 

He  had  already  received  £1,000  from  the  Government 
towards  payment  for  his  rights  as  Governor  of  Pennsyl- 
vania ;  but  the  lawyers  held  him  incapable  of  signing  the 
deeds,  and  the  transaction  was  never  completed ;  so 
Penns  ruled  in  Pennsylvania  till  the  Revolution  of  1776. 
The  negotiation  did  not  affect  the  ownership  of  the  land, 
only  the  Government. 

The  burden  of  affairs  now  fell  upon  the  capable  and 
devoted  shoulders  of  Hannah  Penn  and  the  faithful 
Logan.  They  were  greatly  aided  by  the  increasing  pros- 
perity and  growing  population  of  the  colony  after  the  Peace 
of  Utrecht  in  1713  ;  and  by  its  wilHngness  to  meet  its  own 
government  charges.  The  early  troubles  of  the  colony 
were  a  backwash  from  the  European  wars  of  William  III. 
and  Marlborough,  and  they  ceased  when  peace  was  made. 
The  two  paid  off  in  time  the  friendly  mortgage,  and 
maintained  the  rising  young  family  of  Hannah's  children. 
William  Junr.  had  sunk  into  debauchery,  and  they  rarely 
saw  him.     He  deserted  his  wife  and  children,  who  lived  at 

LAST  DAYS  299 

Ruscombe,  and  spent  his  time  in  continental  cities. 
William  Penn  had  very  happy  times  with  his  young 
children  and  his  grand-children,  wandering  with  them 
about  the  gardens  and  the  many  rooms  of  the  mansion, 
a  child  again.  When  he  saw  his  wife  writing  at  her  desk 
a  vague  remembrance  of  trouble  connected  with  corres- 
pondence and  business  shaded  his  expression  so  she  kept 
her  writing  away  from  him.  Ruscombe  she  kept  up 
because  her  husband  enjoyed  it  so  ;  though  she  would 
gladly  have  gone  into  a  smaller  house  to  save  expense. 
Her  sons  John  and  Thomas,  afterwards  to  become  the 
wealthy  owners  of  Pennsylvania,  she  contemplated 
putting  as  apprentices  to  a  linen-draper  and  to  a 
doctor.  But  times  must  have  rapidly  improved  for  her 
and  Logan.  That  faithful  man,  after  ten  years'  service 
at  no  very  fixed  salary,  was  desired  in  171 1  to  name  one. 
He,  "  considering  his  master's  melancholy  circumstances," 
fixed  it  at  only  £100  a  year  for  all  manner  of  services 
whatsoever,"  but  said  he  could  only  stay  two  years  longer, 
"  but "  he  adds,  his  employer  "was  seized  with  an  apoplectic 
fit  in  less  than  one  year,  which  tied  me  down  to  his  business, 
and  vastly,  as  it  proved,  to  my  loss."  But  it  cannot 
have  been  so  in  the  long  run,  and  Logan  was  able,  after- 
wards, as  he  deserved,  to  live  and  die  in  modest  wealth 
and  dignity.  In  remembering  the  failures  among  the 
assistants  Penn  chose,  we  must  not  forget  the  faithful 
young  schoolmaster,  James  Logan.  Colonel  Quarry  died 
in  1712,  which  must  have  been  a  relief  to  the  two 
anxious  stewards.  It  was  not  settled  for  some  years 
that  the  surrender  to  the  Government  could  not  he 
carried  out ;    they  both  desired  that  it  should. 

Joseph  Besse  has  printed  the  reports  of  a  Friend  who 
visited  the  invalid,  and  may  have  been  Henry  Goldney, 
or  perhaps  Joseph  Besse  himself,  told  in  his  modest  way.* 
It  describes  a  gradual  wearing  away  of  faculty,  frequent 
drives   to   Reading    Meeting  in    the   earlier   years,    and 

*  Works,  II.,  p.  151. 


acceptable  ministry,  gradually  fading,  but  the  spirit 
shining  through,  always  full  of  the  happiness  of  the  con- 
secrated. Thomas  Story,  over  on  a  religious  visit  from 
America,  visited  him  in  1714  and  records  : 

"  He  was  then  under  the  lamentable  effects  of  an  apoplectic 
fit,  which  he  had  had  some  time  before ;  for  his  memory  was 
almost  quite  lost,  and  the  use  of  his  understanding  suspended,  so 
that  he  was  not  so  conversable  as  formerly,  and  yet  as  near  the 
truth,  in  the  love  of  it,  as  before,  wherein  appeared  the  great 
mercy  and  favour  of  God,  who  looks  not  as  man  looks ;  for 
though  to  some  this  accident  might  look  like  judgment,  and,  no 
doubt,  his  enemies  so  accounted  it,  yet  it  will  bear  quite  another 
interpretation,  if  it  be  considered  how  little  time  of  rest  he  ever 
had  from  the  importunities  of  the  affairs  of  others,  to  the  great 
hurt  of  his  own,  and  suspension  of  all  his  enjoyments,  till  this 
happened  to  him,  by  which  he  was  rendered  incapable  of  all 
business,  and  yet  sensible  of  the  enjoyment  of  truth  as  at  any  time 
in  all  his  hfe.  When  I  went  to  the  house,  I  thought  myself  strong 
enough  to  see  him  in  that  condition  ;  but  when  I  entered  the  room, 
and  perceived  the  great  defect  of  his  expressions  for  want  of 
memory,  it  greatly  bowed  my  spirit  under  a  consideration  of  the 
uncertainty  of  all  human  qualifications,  and  what  the  finest  of 
men  are  soon  reduced  to  by  a  disorder  of  the  organs  of  that  body 
with  which  the  soul  is  connected  and  acts  during  this  present 
mode  of  being.  When  these  are  but  a  little  obstructed  in  their 
various  functions,  a  man  of  the  clearest  parts  and  finest  expression 
becomes  scarcely  inteUigible.  Nevertheless,  no  insanity  or 
lunacy  at  all  appeared  in  his  actions ;  and  his  mind  was  in  an 
innocent  state,  as  appeared  by  his  very  loving  deportment 
to  all  that  came  near  him  ;  and  that  he  had  still  a  good  sense  of 
truth  is  plain  by  some  very  clear  sentences  he  spoke  in  the  life 
and  power  of  truth  in  an  evening  meeting  we  had  together  there, 
wherein  we  were  greatly  comforted  ;  so  that  I  was  ready  to  think 
this  was  a  sort  of  sequestration  of  him  from  all  the  concerns  of 
this  life,  which  so  much  oppressed  him,  not  in  judgment,  but  in 
mercy,  that  he  might  have  rest,  and  not  be  oppressed  thereby  to 
the  end." 

We  need  not  linger  over  this  period  of  peace,  the  day 
labour  done.     The  invalid  took  fever  in  the  sixth  year  of 

LAST  DAYS  301 

his  decline.  Thomas  Story,  on  whom  Hannah  Penn 
greatly  relied,  had  just  gone  to  Bristol,  where  her  son 
John  was  apprenticed,  and  a  messenger  was  too  late  to 
bring  him  back  in  time.  William  Penn  seemed  to  fall 
asleep  between  two  and  three  in  the  morning  of  the 
30th  July,  1718.  He  was  nearly  seventy-four.  When 
Thomas  Story  arrived,  "  a  solid  time  of  worship  we  had 
together,  but  few  words  among  us  for  some  time  ;  for 
it  was  a  deep  baptizing  season."  The  remains  were  taken 
to  Jordans  and  laid  by  the  side  of  GuU,  and  near  Springett 
and  the  infant  children  they  had  lost.  Thomas  Story 
writes : 

"  We  had  a  large  meeting,  and  as  the  Lord  had  made  choice  of 
him  in  the  days  of  his  youth  for  great  and  good  services — had 
been  with  him  in  many  dangers  and  difficulties  of  various  sorts, 
and  did  not  leave  him  in  his  last  moments — so  He  was  pleased  to 
honour  this  occasion  with  His  blessed  presence." 

Messages  of  reverent  sympathy  came  from  the 
General  Meeting  of  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  ;  and  the 
Indians,  on  hearing  of  Onas's  death,  sent  his  widow  an 
address  accompanied  by  a  moving  present.  It  con- 
sisted of  materials  to  form  a  garment  of  skins,  suitable 
for  travelling  through  a  thorny  wilderness  without  her 
guide  :  a  symbol  of  the  path  the  lonely  widow  would  have 
to  travel.  Surely  no  Old  Testament  prophet  ever  acted 
a  more  vivid  parable. 

Difficulties  indeed  at  once  began.  Happily,  just  before 
his  seizure  in  1712,  he  had  made  a  will.  The  English  and 
Irish  estates  which  he  had  inherited  from  his  father  were 
worth  about  £1,500  a  year,  and  were  in  17 12  much  the 
most  valuable  part  of  his  property.  Pennsylvania  had 
only  recently  begun  to  yield  a  net  return.  These  were 
left  to  the  three  children  of  the  prodigal  son  William — 
Gulielma  Maria,  Springett,  and  William.  Guli's  pro- 
perty, under  a  settlement  executed  by  her,  fell  to  her  son 
William,  but  he  had  already  wasted  and  sold  the  estates 


in  Kent.  To  Letitia  Aubrey  and  to  each  of  William's 
three  children  he  left  ten  thousand  acres  in  Pennsylvania, 
to  give  them  an  interest  in  the  colony.  Out  of  the  colonial 
revenue  also,  Hannah  Penn  was  to  have  an  annuity 
of  £300  a  year,  and  all  his  personal  property  in  England 
and  America,  including  arrears  of  rent  due.  She  also  was 
sole  executrix.  Subject  to  the  above  claims  and  to  the 
payment  of  his  debts,  the  broad  lands  of  Pennsylvania 
and  Delaware  unsold,  with  all  quit-rents,  were  to  be 
divided  up  among  his  second  family  of  children,  John, 
Thomas,  Margaret,  Richard  and  Dennis,  who  died  young, 
in  such  portions  as  their  mother  might  direct.  The 
Government  of  Pennsylvania  he  was  at  that  time  on 
the  point  of  selling  to  the  Crown,  and  he  appointed  Robert 
Harley,  Earl  of  Oxford,  and  William,  Earl  Pawlett,  to  carry 
the  Government  on  and  dispose  of  it  to  the  Queen  or  other- 

William  Penn,  Jun.,  now  appeared  and  claimed  as 
heir-at-law  to  be  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  From  that 
disaster,  however,  the  colony  was  saved.  The  Earls 
resisted  it,  but  had  a  doubt  about  their  powers.  The 
will  omitted  to  say  to  whom  they  were  to  pay  the 
money  they  might  obtain  from  the  sale  of  the  Govern- 
ment. Was  it  to  be  regarded  as  real  or  as  personal 
estate  ?  A  suit  in  Chancery  was  instituted,  which  kept 
the  issue  pending,  as  such  suits  do  ;  meantime,  Hannah 
Penn  as  executrix  was  to  act  as  Governor.  Two  years 
after  his  father,  William  died  of  consumption  and 
a  ruined  constitution  somewhere  in  France  ;  and  as  the 
Governorship  was  not  sold  to  anyone  the  suit  fell  through 
and  William's  son  Springett  came  to  an  arrangement 
with  the  heirs.  Hannah  Penn  administered  the  Province 
as  long  as  her  children  were  minors.  She  too  had  an 
attack  of  paralysis  in  1722,  but  recovered  and  lived  till 
1727.  She  had  been  attractive  and  beloved  in  the 
colony  when  she  lived  there,  and  to  her  devotion  and 
business  ability  the  province  and  the  family  owed  much. 

LAST  DAYS  303 

She  had  a  hard  experience  and  it  is  not  unfitting  that  to 
her  children  came  the  potential  wealth  of  the  estate. 
John,  Thomas  and  Richard  became  the  proprietors. 
They  left  Friends  ;  they  had  none  of  their  father's  spirit 
and  lofty  aims  ;  they  were  very  ordinary  landlords,  and  their 
Indian  policy  is,  as  we  saw,  not  unstained  by  fraud.  Their 
descendants  lost  the  government  at  the  Revolutionary 
War  ;  and  in  1779  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  vested 
their  landed  estates  also  in  the  Commonwealth.  The 
Penns  were  in  the  English  interest.  Their  private 
personal  estates  were  reserved  to  them,  their  existing  quit- 
rents,  and  £130,000  was  to  be  paid  as  compensation  at  the 
end  of  the  war,  in  testimony  to  the  State's  regard  for 
its  Founder,  and  to  ease  the  .act  of  confiscation.  But 
the  value  was  on  a  higher  scale  altogether.  From  178 1 
to  1789  the  State  received  £824,000  from  the  sale  of  lands. 
The  Penn  family  approached  the  British  Government 
for  compensation  when  the  war  was  over,  and  asked  for 
£944,800.  The  committee  on  claims  allowed  £500,000,* 
It  was  finally  settled  to  make  posterity  pay,  and  a  per- 
petual pension  of  £4,000  a  year  was  ordered  to  be  paid  to 
the  representative  of  William  Penn  out  of  the  Imperial 
revenue.  This  pension,  under  pressure  of  a  Radical 
agitation,  was  commuted  in  1884  for  £67,000. 

Reading  Monthly  Meeting  drew  up  the  Testimony 
usual  when  a  "  Publick  Friend  "  had  died ;  and,  in 
Friends'  phraseology,  it  seems  to  me  that  they  were 
much  favoured  in  what  they  wrote  :  remembering  the 
difficulty  of  all  obituaries. 

"  Being  a  member  of  our  Monthly  Meeting  at  the  time  of  his 
decease,  and  for  some  years  before,  we  can  do  no  less,  in  giving 
the  foregoing  account,  than  to  say  something  of  the  character  of 
so  worthy  a  man  ;  and  not  only  refer  to  other  meetings,  where  his 
residence  was  in  former  times,  who  are  witnesses  of  the  great  self- 
denial  he  underwent  in  the  prime  of  his  youth,  and  the  patience 

*  Janney,  pp.  549,  55°- 


with  which  he  bore  many  a  heavy  cross  ;  but  think  it  our  duty  to 
cast  in  our  mite,  to  set  forth  in  part  his  deserved  commendation. 

"  He  was  a  man  of  great  abilities,  of  an  excellent  sweetness 
of  disposition  ;  quick  of  thought  and  of  ready  utterance  ;  full 
of  the  qualifications  of  true  discipleship,  even  love  without  dis- 
simulation ;  as  extensive  in  charity  as  comprehensive  in  know- 
ledge, and  to  whom  maUce  and  ingratitude  were  utter  strangers — 
ready  to  forgive  enemies,  and  the  ungrateful  were  not  excepted. 

"  Had  not  the  management  of  Ills  temporal  affairs  been 
attended  with  some  deficiencies,  envy  itself  would  be  to  seek  for 
matter  of  accusation,  and  judging  in  charity,  even  that  part  of 
his  conduct  may  be  attributed  to  a  pecuUar  sublimity  of  mind. 

"  Notwithstanding  which,  he  may,  without  straining  his 
character,  be  ranked  among  the  learned,  good,  and  great ; 
whose  abilities  are  sufficiently  manifested  throughout  his  elaborate 
writings,  which  are  so  many  lasting  monuments  of  his  admired 
qualifications,  and  are  the  esteem  of  learned  and  judicious  men 
among  all  persuasions. 

"  And  although  in  old  age,  by  reason  of  some  shock  of  a 
violent  disease,  his  intellect  was  much  impaired,  yet  his  sweetness 
and  loving  disposition  surmounted  its  utmost  effects,  and  remained 
when  reason  almost  failed. 

"  In  fine,  he  was  learned  without  vanity ;  apt  without  for- 
wardness ;  facetious  in  conversation,  yet  weighty  and  serious — of 
an  extraordinary  greatness  of  mind,  yet  void  of  the  stain  of 
ambition  ;  as  free  from  rigid  gravity  as  he  was  clear  of  unseemly 
levity  ;  a  man,  a  scholar,  a  friend  ;  a  minister  surpassing  in 
speculative  endowments,  whose  memorial  will  be  valued  by  the 
wise  and  blessed  with  the  just." 

William  Penn  was  alwa3^s  beloved  of  his  poor  neigh- 
bours ;  and  his  charities  at  Rickmansworth,  Worming- 
hurst,  and  Pennsbury  have  left  some  echoes  still.  About 
Ruscombe  the  Parish  Registers  show  that  the  poor 
christened  their  children  William  Penn,  Gulielma,  and 
composite  names  made  out  of  Pcnnsylvanian  places.* 

Every  record  and  tradition  agrees  in  telling  of  the 
sweetness  and  urbanity  of  his  speech  and  manner,  his 

♦  Clarkson,  Vol.  II.,  p.  358, 

?  s 

D     S 

W     o 


LAST  DAYS  305 

ready  wit  and  bright  talk,  his  easy  familiarity  with  high 
and  low.  Dean  Swift  says  that  "  he  talked  very  agree- 
ably and  with  much  spirit  "*  Dr.  Tillotson  says  he  took 
great  pleasure  in  Penn's  acquaintance.  His  helpful  way 
with  young  ministers,  and  the  loving  reverence  he  inspired 
may  be  found  in  Thomas  Story's  Journal.  The  General 
Meeting  of  Friends  in  Pennsylvania  say  : 

"  His  behaviour  was  sweet  and  engaging,  and  his  con- 
descension great  even  to  the  weakest  and  meanest  ;  affable  and  of 
easy  access  ;  tender  to  every  person  and  thing  that  had  simplicity 
of  truth  or  honesty  for  a  foundation."! 

What  was  the  standing  and  position  of  William  Penn 
among  Friends  after  the  death  of  George  Fox  ?  He  was 
the  ablest  and  most  distinguished  living  Quaker.  Did 
he  become  the  recognised  leader  ?  In  the  first  place  no 
actual  recognised  leader  was  wanted,  or  was  possible. 
The  modesty  and  selflessness  of  George  Fox  had  kept 
him  from  assuming  anything  like  an  official  leadership. 
But  a  central  personality  of  great  influence  there  was 
bound  to  be.  George  Whitehead  became  the  central 
figure  at  the  headquarters  of  the  Society  in  London.  He 
drew  up  documents,  and  guided  the  Yearly  Meeting  and 
the  Meeting  for  Sufferings  and  Morning  Meeting.  The 
relation  between  him  and  William  Penn  was  not  unlike 
the  relation  between  James  the  brother  of  the  Lord,  head 
of  the  Church  at  Jerusalem,  and  Paul  the  traveller  and 
the  adventurer,  the  scholar  and  the  author  of  Epistles, 
the  man  born  of  high  citizenship,  who  had  studied  at  the 
feet  of  Gamaliel,  but  who  was  not  always  approved  by 
the  chiefest  apostles.  There  is  an  odd  element  of 
heredity  in  the  parallel  also.  For  James  held  this  post 
at  Jerusalem  because  he  was  the  eldest  man  akin  to  Jesus. 
This  is  the  usual  way  with  religions  in  the  East,  and  was 

*  Noble,  quoted  by  Clarkson  and  Janney, 
t  Janney,  p.  570. 



followed  by  the  election  of  members  of  our  Lord's  and 
James's  family  after  his  death,  even  as  late  as  the  time 
of  Trajan.*  In  the  same  kind  of  way  Thomas  Lower 
and  William  Mead,  who  acted  constantly  with  George 
Whitehead  at  headquarters,  were  the  husbands  of 
George  Fox's  step-daughters,  Mary  and  Sarah  Fell. 
This  is  not  much  more  than  embroidering  fancy.  These 
excellent  men  did  not  always  sympathise  with  William 
Penn's  adventures  and  difficulties.  They  did  not  like  his 
going  to  Court  and  mixing  with  statesmen,  and  offered 
criticism  of  the  usual  mild  Quaker  type,  saying  less  than  it 
means.  Timid  spirits  also  would  not  care  to  identify  the 
Society  absolutely  with  a  man  under  suspicion  of  Jacobitism. 
William  Mead  for  some  reason  objected  to  Penn's  preface 
being  printed  with  George  Fox's  Journal,  and  as  he  would 
not  yield,  he  was  finally  overruled  :  but  it  is  not  unlikely 
that  the  Fell  sisters  and  their  husbands  were  with 
William  Mead  in  this  view.t  One  notes  a  certain 
restraint  and  constraint  in  Margaret  Rous' s  reference  in  a 
letter  to  her  mother  Margaret  Fox,  in  March,  1699  : 

"  William  Penn  is  in  town  and  great  crowding  after  him.  I 
believe  there  is  little  alteration  in  him  or  others,  but  much  as  they 
were  when  you  was  here." 

In  June,  1699,  she  writes  to  her  mother  : 

"  We  hope  if  William  Penn  be  brought  to  condemn  that  which 
he  hath  been  so  far  wrong  in  (to  the  hurt  of  many),  though  but  in 
part,  that  things  vvill  go  better  among  Friends,  and  Truth  come 
up  in  its  ancient  purity  over  the  false  wrong  spirit  which  hath  so 
much  prevailed  to  its  dishonour  and  hurt,  which  the  truly  honest 
will  be  right  glad  of."t 

The  biographer  may  well  wish  Margaret  had  been  more 
explicit.  But,  plainly  there  was  serious  disapproval 
behind,  on  behalf  of  the  family.     We  have  seen  it  appearing 

*  Lindsay,  "  The  Church  and  the  Ministry  in  the  Early  Centuries," 
p.  120,  note. 

t   "  Margaret  Fox,"  by  Helen  G.  Crosfield,  pp.  197,  230,  231. 

LAST  DAYS  307 

when  Penn  was  in  retirement  between  1691-3,  and  again 
in  David  Lloyd's  time,  later.  On  the  whole  it  says  much 
for  every  one  that  after  the  death  of  George  Fox 
personal  diihculties  seem  to  have  been  so  slight  among 
his  successors.  There  is  nothing  on  Penn's  side  referring 
to  the  difference  at  all. 

We  are  told  that  William  Penn  always  insisted  on 
taking  the  lowest  seat  in  the  row  of  ministers,  particularly 
preferring  to  put  poor  men  above  him.  I  am  not  sure 
that  this  practice,  not  unheard  of  to-day,  is  to  be  wholly 
commended.     There  are  other  available  forms  of  modesty. 

Can  we  wonder  that  the  mechanism  of  Penn's  intellect 
was  worn  out  at  sixty-eight  ?  It  had  endured  and  done 
much.  Religious  exercises  had  been  carried  on  all  his 
life  from  childhood  with  a  fervour  we  vainly  hope  to  recall 
nowadays.  Under  such  strong  and  taxing  exercise  of 
the  nerves  he  had  been  perpetually  preaching ;  and 
preaching  not  history  nor  mere  edification  ;  but  every 
time  he  had  been  the  voice  of  an  Inward  Power.  Doubt- 
less the  Inward  Power  gives  its  vehicle  strength  for  the 
occasion  ;  but  it  is  fatiguing  in  the  end  to  the  instrument. 
Then  his  enormous  output  of  books  and  pamphlets, 
largely  of  the  nature  of  preaching,  must  have  been  costly 
to  heart  and  brain.  Anxieties  about  money,  and  about 
the  action  of  an  unfriendly  government,  and  about  the 
present  and  future  of  his  colony,  must  have  told  upon 
him.  Bereavement  had  been  his  full  portion.  His 
beloved  wife  and  his  son  Springett's  loss  had  rent  his 
spirit,  and  he  had  seen  George  Fox,  Isaac  Penington 
and  Robert  Barclay  to  their  rest. 

The  inside  of  prisons  was  his  home  for  some  years  in 
all  : — The  Tower,  Newgate,  the  Old  Bailey,  lodgings 
in  hiding.  It  was  not  exhilarating  to  live  in  such  places. 
Many  had  been  the  enemies  who  had  shot  at  him — 
informers  like  Fuller — sectaries  like  Keith  or  Bugg  or 
Rogers — demagogues    like    David     Lloyd — plotters    like 


Quarry — rogues  like  the  Fords — countless  polemical 
divines.  Then  his  troubles  with  his  father  in  early  years, 
and  his  son  in  his  age,  were  causes  of  bitter  suffering. 
On  the  top  of  these  he  had  a  vast  volume  of  business  at 
all  times,  and  the  care  of  the  Church,  and  of  all  those 
suffering  under  persecution,  for  whom  he  was  the  active 
champion  in  the  years  before  the  Toleration  Act.  No 
wonder  that  the  strong  well-made  instrument  was 
finally  worn  out,  and  that,  as  with  Ruskin,  a  period  of 
leisure  from  striving  closed  the  turbulent  years. 

It  is  not  easy  for  us  to  realise  the  very  keen  religious 
life  of  William  Penn  and  his  type  of  Friend.  The  con- 
sciousness of  the  presence  of  God  was  with  them  with  an 
insistence  to  which  our  age  is  a  stranger.  It  was  not, 
I  feel  sure,  a  mere  fago^i  de  purler  for  William  Penn's 
letters  to  be  prefaced  and  concluded  with  aspirations  for 
his  correspondents'  spiritual  welfare.  At  home  his  house- 
hold met  three  times  daily  for  family  worship.  Is  there 
a  Quaker  household  to-day  where  this  would  not  be  felt 
to  be  burdensome,  to  be  a  bore  in  fact  ?  In  how  many  of 
our  households  do  we  have  family  worship  or  reading 
twice  a  day  ?  Only  in  a  few  somewhat  old  established 
homes  does  that  practice  continue.  Bible  Reading  even 
once  a  day  is  not  quite  universal.  No  cure  is  to  be  found 
by  establishing  such  functions  under  a  sense  of  duty  or 
sacrifice.  That  would  be  to  put  the  consequence  before 
the  cause,  the  dead  form  before  the  living  spirit.  No  one 
can  justly  blame  another  for  this  weakening  of  the 
religious  sense  ;  it  is  "  in  the  air."  But  it  is  well  for  us 
carefully  to  cherish  and  diligently  to  practise  such  faculty 
of  perception  of  Divine  things  as  remains  to  us,  and  to 
live  in  the  light  we  have.  It  would  carry  us  too  far  to 
try  to  analyse  the  causes  of  the  prevailing  religious 
indifference.  But  as  to  the  fact  there  is  a  great  con- 
sensus of  experience.  It  would  be  wholly  impossible 
to  raise  a  religious  movement  of  any  kind  in  Cumberland 

LAST  DAYS  309 

or  Westmorland  to-day,  by  preaching  for  three  hours  on 
Pardshaw  Crag  or  Fir  Bank  Fell. 

The  name  and  fame  of  William  Penn  have  grown  in 
the  years  since  his  death.  Burke's  eloquent  tribute  and 
Bancroft's  strong  panegyric  may  be  read  in  the  closing 
pages  of  Janney. 

"  This,"  says  Bancroft,  "  is  the  praise  of  William  Penn,  that, 
in  an  age  which  had  seen  a  popular  revolution  shipwreck  popular 
liberty  among  selfish  factions,  which  had  seen  Hugh  Peters  and 
Henry  Vane  perish  by  the  hangman's  cord  and  the  axe  ;  in  an 
age  when  Sidney  nourished  the  pride  of  patriotism  rather  than 
the  sentiment  of  philanthropy,  when  Russell  stood  for  the  Hberties 
of  his  order,  and  not  for  new  enfranchisements,  and  Shaftesbury 
and  Locke  thought  government  should  rest  on  property — Penn 
did  not  despair  of  humanity,  and  though  all  history  and  experience 
denied  the  sovereignty  of  the  people,  dared  to  cherish  the  noble 
idea  of  man's  capacity  for  self-government." 

"  His  name  was  safely  cherished  as  a  household  word  in  the 
cottages  of  Wales  and  Ireland,  and  among  the  peasantry  of 
Germany  ;  and  not  a  tenant  of  a  wigwam,  from  the  sea  to  the 
Susquehanna,  doubted  his  integrity. 

"  His  fame  is  now  wide  as  the  world  ;  he  is  one  of  the  few 
who  have  gained  abiding  glory." 

Not  on  this  note,  however,  would  we  close  the  Life  of 
one  who  never  betrayed  any  sensitiveness  to  fame. 
Quakerism  is  native  to  high  adventure  ;  it  must  never 
play  for  safety.  We  shall  not  choose  the  path  of  plodding 
imitation,  nor  popularity's  primrose  way,  if  we  have 
caught  in  these  pages  the  spirit  of  one  of  those  heroes,  of 
Prometheus'  ancient  breed,  who,  defying  lesser  gods,  win 
from  Principalities  and  Powers  the  soul's  enfranchisement, 
and  warm  and  light  the  earth  with  the  fire  that  has  cost 
them  dear. 



William  Penn  has  been  the  object  of  certain  attacks 
and  slanders,  both  during  his  life  and  since.  That  a  man 
so  gentle  and  so  attractive,  who  spent  his  life  for  his 
fellows,  and  never  did  an  evil  deed  to  another,  should  be 
so  subject,  does  not  speak  well  for  human  nature.  Men 
allow  partisanship  to  obscure  personality.  Penn,  in  his 
lifelong  fight  for  toleration  came  into  conflict  with  the 
Anglican  party,  and  his  living  Quaker  teaching  made 
current  theology  feel  cold  and  lifeless,  and  denied  many 
propositions  it  contained.  This  was  enough  to  make 
him  enemies  in  an  age  of  Revolution. 

Most  of  the  attacks  upon  him  centre  round  his  friend- 
ship with  James  II.  The  Catholic  and  the  Quaker  were 
both  persecuted,  and  the  naval  friendship  between  the 
Duke  of  York  and  Admiral  Penn  was  not  unnaturally 
kept  up  between  Penn's  son  and  the  King  who  was  his 
guardian.  William  Penn's  activities  at  the  court  of  the 
Catholic  King  were  for  the  sake  of  Toleration  pure  and 
simple.  He  was  there  to  save  the  victims  of  persecution. 
That  was  no  excuse  in  the  eyes  of  the  Anglican  party, 
who  were  against  Toleration,  and  it  was  cheap  and  easy 
to  doubt  his  motive  and  to  dub  him  a  Catholic.  Jesuits 
were  known  or  believed  to  assume  disguises,  was  it  not 
probable,  nay,  almost  certain  that  Penn  was  a  Jesuit  ? 
The  story  about  confounding  Saumur,  where  Penn 
was  educated  under  the  Protestant  Moses  Amyraut, 
with  S.  Omer  the  Jesuit  College  has  been  alluded  to. 
Then  in  the  plots  of  the  Jacobites  after  the  Revolution, 
the  worldly  mind  could  not  understand  that  Penn  was 


the  last  man  to  advocate  an  armed  invasion  from  France 
to  restore  the  late  King,  and  there  were  not  wanting  spies 
and  informers  and  unprincipled  hangers  on  at  S. 
Germains  who  would  say  that  Penn  advocated  such  an 
attempt.*  And  the  enemies  of  James  could  not  admit 
that  he  had  any  friends  who  were  not  bad  men  ;  so  the 
existence  of  his  creditable  friendship  with  a  man  of  high 
character  could  not  be  tolerated  by  partisans  like  Bishop 
Burnet,  Sir  James  Macintosh,  and  Lord  Macaulay.  So 
the  most  audacious  and  improbable  fabrications  were 
resorted  to.f 

It  seems  hardly  worth  while  at  this  date  to  go  over 
again  the  elaborate  defence  of  Penn  against  the  charges 
in  Lord  Macaulay' s  History.  This  has  already  been  done 
with  careful  completeness  by  previous  biographers ; 
and  the  matter  cannot  be  argued  in  proper  historical 
fashion,  except  at  considerable  length,  and  with  long 
quotations  from  authorities. 

The  first  defender  of  William  Penn  was  the  late 
Right  Hon.  W.  E.  Forster,  M.P.,  in  1848,  shortly  after  the 
appearance  of  Macaulay' s  first  two  volumes.  A  single 
volume  edition  of  Clarkson's  Life  was  then  brought 
out,  with  a  preface  by  W.  E.  Forster,  replying  to 

In  W.  Hepworth  Dixon's  "  Historical  Biography " 
of  185 1  is  a  well  written  extra  chapter  on  "  The  Macaulay 
Charges,"  containing  further  research,  but  only  covering 
Macaulay's  Vols.  I.  and  II.,  all  then  out. 

John  Paget,  Barrister-at-Law,  brought  out  "  A  New 
Examen,"  a  crucial  attack  in  a  quite  small  book  upon 
Macaulay's  inaccuracies  concerning  Penn  and  several 
other  subjects.  In  1858,  the  Penn  portion  was  printed 
separately.  This  is  perhaps  the  most  clear  and  cogent 
of  all  the  replies. 

•  For  the  memorandum  of  the  spies  Williamson  and  Plunkett,  in 
Nairne's  Papers,  see  Clarkson  II.,  pp.  378-81. 

t  For  Burnet,  see  Clarkson,  Vol.  II.,  Chap.  XV.,  pp.  370-377- 


Janney  (1851)  devotes  his  Chapter  XXII.  to  a 
refutation  of  Macaulay's  charges  in  his  earlier  volumes, 
and  a  supplementary  chapter  to  those  in  the  third  and 
fourth  volumes.  The  earlier  part  is  based  on  Forster 
and  Dixon,  the  latter  part  is  fresh. 

The  reader  who  cannot  consult  any  of  these  books, 
may  like  just  to  know  what  the  accusations  were,  and 
what  the  kind  of  reply. 

Macaulay  accuses  Penn  of  collecting  from  the  parents 
of  the  schoolgirls  of  Taunton  a  heavy  ransom  for  their 
pardon  for  the  offence  of  making  a  banner  for  Monmouth 
in  his  rebellion.  The  ransom  was  to  go  to  the  Queen's 
maids  of  honour.  It  is,  however,  clear  that  the  man 
asked  to  do  this  job  was  a  certain  "  George  Penne,"  a 
pardon  broker. 

Macaulay  sneers  at  Penn  for  his  presence  at  the 
execution  of  Cornish  and  Elizabeth  Gaunt  after  the  same 
rebellion.  He  was,  however,  there  with  their  friends 
as  a  sympathiser,  and  able  afterwards  to  defend  Cornish's 
behaviour  at  the  time. 

Macaulay  accuses  him  of  trying,  on  the  King's  account, 
to  bribe  a  Dissenter  named  Kiffin  with  the  office  of 
Alderman.  It  appears  that  Kiffin,  on  his  own  initiative, 
asked  Penn  to  explain  to  the  King  that  he  did  not  wish 
to  accept  it. 

Macaulay  accuses  Penn  of  helping  the  King  to  bully 
the  Fellows  of  Magdalen  and  to  induce  them  to  yield. 
Penn  acted  throughout  for  the  Fellows  and  at  their 
request ;  told  the  King  he  was  in  the  wrong,  and  was  at 
much  pains  to  prevent  their  expulsion.  Any  contrary 
view  is  founded  on  an  anonymous  letter  said  to  be  by 
Penn,  but  disowned  by  him,  and  on  a  joke  twisted  out 
of  its  meaning. 

Macaulay  says  that  Friends  looked  coldly  on  Penn,  and 
treated  him  with  obloquy  when  he  was  acting  at  Court 
as  the  friend  of  the  persecuted.  The  Society  records  and 
the  narrative  of  this  book  show  that  broadly  this  is  baseless. 


Macaulay  says  Penn  went  to  Holland  in  1687  to  try 
to  obtain  the  support  of  William  of  Orange  to  the  Declara- 
tion of  Indulgence.  What  happened  is  narrated  in  the 
text,  and  is  wholly  creditable. 

The  other  charges  concern  Jacobite  plottings  suffi- 
ciently referred  to  in  the  text  and  above. 

No  man's  memory  ever  had  a  more  complete  vindi- 
cation. The  reputation  of  Macaulay  as  a  reliable  his- 
torian has  faded  greatly  in  sixty  years.  He  never 
admitted  his  errors  about  Penn,  though  he  lived  till  1859, 
His  references  to  George  Fox  are  contemptuous  and  con- 
temptible. He  hated  Friends.  His  only  connection 
with  them  was  that  his  mother  was  born  a  Friend,  and 
that  the  Wighams  and  other  leading  Friends  were  against 
him  on  the  occasion  of  his  defeat  for  Edinburgh,  which  was 
the  great  blow  in  his  political  life,  long  resented  by  him. 
This  might  strengthen  any  anti-Quaker  predisposition 
which  his  evangelical  training  and  his  temperament  may 
have  given  him.  But,  primarily,  for  him  no  friend  of 
James's  could  be  a  good  man.  Macaulay' s  is  a  Whig 
history.  * 

*  The  criticisms  of  Burnet,  who  thought  Penn  was  a  Roman  Catholic, 
are  refuted  by  Clarkson,  Chap.  XX. 



1.  An  Account  of  the  x^uthgr's  Life.     By  Joseph  Besse. 

In  Vol.  I.  of  Collected  Works  of  W.  Penn.  1726.  And 
in  "  Everyman  "  edition. 

2.  LaViedeGuillaumePenn.     Par  Jean  de  Marsillac.     2  vols. 

Paris,   1 79 1. 

3.  Memoirs  of  the  Private  and  Public  Life  of  William 

Penn.  By  Thomas  Clarkson,  M.A.  2  vols.  Lond., 
1813 ;  Phila.,  1814 ;  Dover,  N.H.,  1820 ;  i  vol., 
Manchester,  1849. 

4.  William  Penn.    An  Historical  Biography.    By  William 

Hepworth  Dixon.  Lond.,  1851,  1852,  1856.  Abbrevi- 
ated as  History  of  William  Penn.    London,  1872. 

5.  The  Life  of  William  Penn,  with  Selections  from  his 

Correspondence  and  Autobiography.  By  Samuel  M. 
Janney.  2  vols.  Phila.,  1851,  1852.  i  vol.,  Phila., 
1882,  and  other  dates. 

6.  William  Penn,  the  Founder  of  Pennsylvania.     By  Dr. 

John  Stoughton.     Lond.,  1882. 

7.  The  Family  of  William  Penn.     Bv  Howard  M.  Jenkins. 

Phila.,  1899. 

8.  Penns  and  Peningtons  of  the   Seventeenth  Century. 

By    Maria  Webb.     London,  1867,  1891. 

9.  Dictionary  of  National  Biography  (Lond).,  Vol.  XLIV. 

(1895).     Article  on  William  Penn,  by  J.  M.  Rigg. 

10.  "The  True  William  Penn."     By  S.  G.  Fisher,  Phila., 

1900  {lucus  a  non  lucendo). 

11.  Quaker  and  Courtier  :    The  Life  of  William  Penn. 

Mrs.  Colquhoun  Grant.  A  handsome  illustrated  volume, 
interesting,  but  full  of  errors.     Lond.,  1907. 



Edmund  Rack.     A  Sketch  in  "  Caspipina's  Letters."    Vol.  IL 

Bath,  1777. 
Priscilla    Wakefield.     (A    brief    Memoir    for    the    Young.) 

Lond.,  1816. 
M.  L.  Weems.     Phila.,  1822,  1836. 
Mary  Hughes  (late  Robson).     (Brief  Memoir  for  the  Young.) 

Lond.,  1822. 
Anon.     No.  21  in  Select  Biographies.     Lond.,  1822. 
Anon.     (Brief).     Edin.,  1826. 
Anon.     In  "  Robertson's  Classics."    Edin.,  1828. 
Job  R.  Tyson.    Phila.,  1830. 

B.  H.  Draper.     (Life   and   Maxims.     Brief.)     Lond.  c.  1836. 
John  Frost.    Phila.,  1839. 

Enoch  Lewis,  in  Friends'  Library,  Vol.  V.     Phila.,  1841. 
Anon.     In    Knight's    "  Cabinet    Portrait    Gallery    of    British 

Worthies."    Vol.  XL     Lond.,  1846. 
George    E.    Ellis.     In    Sparkes's    "  American    Biography." 

Vol.  XII.     Boston,  1847. 
Joseph  Barker.     Lond.,  1847. 
Anon.     Boston,  Mass.,  1848. 

Anon.     For  the  Young,  illustrated,     Phila.,  1849. 
Jacob  Post.     Lond.,  1850. 
Epsilon  (John  Lury).     Southampton,  1853. 
L.  Vulliemin.     In  French.     Paris,  1855. 
James  M.  Brown  in  "  Primitive  Christianity  Reviewed."    Va., 

John  Paget.    The  new  Examen.     An  Inquiry  into  Macaulay's 
charges.     (Edin.  and  Lond.)     1858. 

C.  Vincens.     In  French.     Paris,  1877. 

Thomas  P.  Cope.    "  Passages  from  Life  and  Writings."    Phila., 

Robert  J.  Burdette.    N.Y.,  1882. 
J.  P.  McCaskey.     Phila.,  1882. 
Jane  Budge.    Lond.,  1884. 

Fernando  Linderberg.     In  Danish.     Kolding,  1887. 
William    J.    Buck.     (A   large   book).     ("  William    Penn    in 

America")     PJiila.  1888. 


W,  H.  Summers.     Hertford,  1890. 

Inazo  Nitobe  (translator).     In  Japanese.    Tokyo,  1895. 

Allen  C.  Thomas.    Phila.,  1895,  1896. 

Frances  E.  Cooke.    Lond.,  1899. 

George  Hodges.    Boston,  1901. 

Augustus  C.   Buell.     N.Y.   and   Lond.,   1904.     (Hostile   and 

Frederick  Sessions.    Lond.,  1905. 
Lucy  B.  Roberts.     In  "  Quaker  Biographies,"  Vol.  I.     Phila., 

Separate  issue  in  tract  series,  "  Friends  Ancient  and 

Modern."     Lond.  and  N.Y.,  1910. 
Osmond  Airy.     In  "  Encyclopaedia  Britannica."     1911. 
Edith  L.  Elias.     In  "  In  Stewart  Times,"  Lond.,  1911. 
Rupert  S.  Holland.    N.Y.,  1915. 


A  Collection  of  the  Works  of  William  Penn.    2  vols,    folio. 

1726.     Anon.,  but  by  Joseph  Besse. 
Select  Works  of  William  Penn.     1771,  in  royal  folio.  1782  (in 

5  vols.,  octavo).  1825  (in  3  vols.) 
Index  to   Works    of  Wm.   Penn,  by  "  Philalethes  "  (Henry 

Portsmouth),  c.  1730. 
Selections   from  the  Works  of  William  Penn.    By  Isaac 

Sharpless.     Lond.,  1910. 


The  Peace  of  Europe  :   The  Fruits  of  Solitude  :  and  Other 

Writings.     By    William    Penn.     Everyman's    Library, 

No.  724.     Lond.,  1915. 
Sandy  Foundation  Shaken  (1688).    Reprinted  by  British  and 

Foreign  Unitarian  Assoc,  London,  1888. 
No  Cross,  No  Crown  (1682).    Lond.,  1846,  1896,  1902. 
Fruits  of  Solitude  in  Reflections  and  Maxims  (1693).    With 

Introduction    by   Edmund   Gosse.     Lond.,    1901,  1903. 

Essex    House    Press,    Lond.,    1901.      New    York    and 

Boston,    1903.     With    Introduction    by    John    Clifford. 

Lond.,  1905. 


An  Essay  Towards  the  Present  and  Future  Peace  of 
Europe  (1693).  With  Foreword  by  Joseph  Bevan 
Braithwaite  (pamphlet).     Gloucester,  1915. 

Trial  of  William  Penn  and  William  Mead.  (1670).  Lond., 


Thomas  Budd.     Good  Order  Established,   Phila.,  1685  ;   New 

York,  1865;   Cleveland,  O.,  1902. 
Gabriel   Thomas.      Historical   and   Geographical   Account   of 

Pennsylvania.     Lond.,      1698 ;       New      York,      1848 ; 

Cleveland,  O.,  1903. 
Memoirs  of  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania,  from 

1826  onwards,  particularly  Vol.  III.,  Part  2  (1836)  and 

Vols.  IX.,  X.,  Penn-Logan  Correspondence. 
Robert  Proud.     History    of  Pennsylvania.     (2  vols.)     Phila. 

Samuel  Hazard.     Register  of  Pennsylvania.     16  vols.     Phila., 


Annals  of  Pennsylvania,  1609-1682.     Phila.,  1850. 

John    F.    Watson.    Annals    of    Philadelphia.     Phila.,  1830; 

Historical  Tales.     Phila.,  1833. 
Benjamin  Ferris.     History  of  the  Original  Settlements  on  the 

Delaware.     Wilmington,  Del,  1846. 
Howard    M.    Jenkins.     Pennsylvania,    Colonial   and   Federal. 

3  vols.     Phila.,  1903. 
Isaac  Sharpless.    Quakers  in  the  American  Colonies.    Ed.  by 

Rufus  M.  Jones.     Book  V.,  Pennsylvania,  Lond.,  1911. 

A  Quaker  Experiment  in  Government,  Phila.,  1898. 

The  Quakers  in  the  Revolution,  Phila.,  1899. 

Allen  C.  Thomas.    History  of  Pennsylvania.     Boston,  Mass., 

Agnes   Repplier.    Philadelphia,   the   Place   and   the   People. 

New  York.  1898. 
S.  F.  HoTCHKiN.     Penn's  Greene  Country  Towne.     Phila.,  1903. 
E.  Robins  Pennell  and  Joseph  Pennell.    Our  Philadelphia. 

Phila.  and  Lond.,  1914. 
Isaac  Sharpless.     Friends  in  Pubhc  Life,  Lend.,  1916. 


1644    14th  October — Birth  of  William  Penn. 

1655     Removal  to  Macroom,  Ireland. 

1660    To  Christchurch,  Oxford.     Preaching  of  Thomas  Loe. 

1662     Expelled  from  Oxford — Beaten  by  his  father — Goes  to 

Paris,  Saumur,  Italy. 
1664     Returns  Home — At  Lincoln's  Inn. 

1666  To  Ireland — Clerk  of  the  Cheque  at  Kinsale. 

1667  Becomes  a  Friend  at  Cork — Short  imprisonment. 
Letter  to  the  Earl  of  Orrery, 

Return  to  England — Turned  out  of  doors. 

1668  Began  to  preach. 

Truth  Exalted. 

The  Guide  Mistaken. 

Controversy  with  Vincent. 

The  Sandy  Foundation  Shaken. 

Imprisoned  in  the  Tower. 

1669    No  Cross,  No  Crown. 

Letter  to  Lord  Arlington. 

Innocency  with  Her  Open  Face. 

Released  from  the  Tower — To  Ireland. 

1670    Letter  of  Love  to  the  Young  Convinced. 

Return  to  England — Second  Conventicle  Act. 

Trial  with  Wm.  Mead  for  preaching  in  Gracechurch  St. 

The  People's  Ancient  and  Just  Liberties  Asserted. 

Death  of  Admiral  Penn,  i6th  Sept. 

Dispute  with  Ives. 

Letter  to  the  Vice  Chancellor,  Oxford 

1671  In  Newgate. 

Truth  Rescued  from  Imposture. 

Winter  in  Bucks. 

A  Seasonable  Caveat  against  Popery. 

The  Great  Case  of  Liberty  of  Conscience. 

A  Serious  Apology  for  Quakers. 

Short  Visit  to  Holland  and  Germany. 


1672  Marriage  to  Gulielma  Maria  Springett. 
Residence  at  Rickmansworth  begins 
First  Declaration  of  Indulgence. 

The  Spirit  of  Truth  Vindicated. 

Neiv  Witnesses  proved  Old  Heretics. 

Plain  Dealing  with  a  Traducing  Anabaptist. 

A  Winding  Sheet  for  Controversie  Ended. 

Quakerism  a  New  Nickname  for  Old  Christianity. 

1673  Declaration  of  Indulgence  withdrawn.     Test  Act. 

The  Invalidity  of  John  Faldo's  Vindication. 

A  Return  to  John  Faldo's  Reply. 

Wisdom  Justified  of  her  Children. 

The  Christian  Quaker. 

Reason  against  Railing  and  Truth  against  Fiction. 

The    Spirit    of   Alexander    the    Coppersmith    lately 

revived,  now  justly  rebuked. 
Judas  and  the  Jews  combined  against  Christ  and 

His  Followers. 

1674     Counterfeit  Christian  Detected. 

Urim  and  Thummim. 

A   Just  Rebuke  to  one  and  twenty  Learned    and 

Reverend  Divines  {so  called.) 
Epistles  in  Latin  to  the  Senates  and  People  of  Embden 

and  Dantzic  on  Persecution. 

1675     A  Treatise  on  Oaths. 

England's  Present  Interest  Discovered. 

The  Continued  Cry  of  the  Oppressed  for  Justice. 

Five  Letters  to  Richard  Baxter. 

1676    Saul  Smitten  to  the  Ground. 

The  Skirmisher  Defeated. 

Becomes  a  proprietor  of  West  New  Jersey. 

1677  Removal  to  Worminghurst. 
Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany. 

Four  Epistles  to  Christians  on  the  Continent,  trans- 
lated into  Dutch  and  German. 
Algernon  Sidney  returns  from  exile. 

1678  Penn  gives  evidence  before  Committee  on  Penal  Laws. 
The  Popish  Plot  Agitation  begins  (Aug.) 

Brief  Answer  to  a  False  and  Foolish  Libel. 

An  Epistle  to  the  Children  of  Light 


1679     Pension  Parliament  of  1661  dissolved  (Jan.) 

An  Address  to  Protestants. 

Guildford  candidature  of  Algernon  Sidney. 

First  Short  Parliament  (March  to  May)  passed  the  Habeas 
Corpus  Act  and  read  the  Exclusion  Bill  twice. 

Bramber  candidature  of  Algernon  Sidney.       [Parliament. 

England's  Great  Interest  in  the  Choice  of  a   new 

1680.     Second  Short  Parliament  (October,  1680, — January,  1681.) 

One  Project  for  the  Good  of  England. 

Death  of  Princess  EUzabeth  of  the  Rhine. 

Death  of  Isaac  Penington  (8th  October).  [(June). 

Penn  petitions  the  Government  for  a  grant  in  America 

1681  Collapse  of  the  Popish  Plot. 

A  Brief  Examination  of  Liberty  Spiritual. 

Charter  for  Pennsylvania  signed  (14th  March). 

Some  Account  of  the  Province  of  Pennsylvania. 

Fundamental  Constitution  of  Pennsylvania. 

1682  Victory  of  the  King  and  Duke. 

Second  and  larger  edition  of  No  Cross,  No  Crown. 

Death  of  his  Mother. 

Letter  to  his  Wife  and  Children. 

Arrival  in  Pennsylvania  (October) . 

Frame  of  Government. 

Founding  of  Philadelphia. 

1683  Execution  of  Algernon  Sidney. 

Letter  to  the  Free  Society  of  Traders. 

Great  Treaty  of  Shackamaxon. 

1684  Return  to  England  (October). 

1685  Accession  of  James  II.     Penn  at  Court. 
Monmouth's  Rebellion. 

Liberation  of  1,300  Friends. 

Fiction  Found  Out. 

Defence  of  the  Duke  of  Birmingham's  Book. 

-Further  Account  of  Pennsylvania. 

1686    A  Persuasive  to  Toleration  to  Church  Dissenters. 

Penn's  embassage  on  Toleration  to  William  of  Orange. 

1687  Second  Declaration  of  Indulgence. 

Good   Advice   to   the   Church   of  England,    Roman 

Catholic  and  Protestant  Dissenter. 
King's  attack  on  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 


1688  Declaration  of  Indulgence  to  be  read  in  Churches. 

Letter  to  W.  Poppleton.    Letters  on  the  Penal  Laws. 

Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops. 

Flight  of  James  II.     Revolution. 

Deputy  Governor  Blackwell  appointed  in  Pennsylvania. 

1689  Penn  arrested  and  examined  three  times  during  this  year 
Toleration  Act.  [and  the  next. 

1690  Deaths  of  Robert  Barclay  and  John  Bumyeat. 

1691  Death  of  George  Fox  (Januory). 
Penn  goes  into  retirement  (January). 

Prefaces  to  Barclay's  and  Bumyeat' s  Works. 

Deputy     Governor     Blackwell     resigns.     Succeeded     by 
Thomas  Lloyd  and  Markham. 

1692  Pennsylvania  annexed  by  the  Crown  (March). 
Just  Measures. 

Key,  etc. 

New  Athenians  no  Nolle  Bereans. 

Separation  and  Disownment  of  George  Keith.  Europe. 

1693     Essay   towards   the   Present   and   Future    Peace    of 

Some  Fruits  of  Solitude  in  Reflections  ana  Maxims. 
Appears  again  in  pubUc  (late  autumn.) 

1694  Death  of  Guli  Penn.  (February). 
Pennsylvania  restored  to  Penn  (August). 
Travels  in  Holland  and  Germany  printed. 

Preface  to  George  Fox's  Journal,  reprinted  as  Rise 

and  Progress  of  the  Society  of  Friends. 
Travels  in  the  Ministry. 
End  of  Government  hostility. 

1695     Reply  to  a  nameless  answer  to  W.  Penn's  "  Key." 

1696  Marriage  to  Hannah  Callowhill  (February) . 
Death  of  his  son  Springett. 

Primitive  Christianity  Revived. 

More  Work  for  George  Keith. 

1697  Visits  Peter  the  Great  at  Deptford. 
Removes  from  Worminghurst  to  Bristol. 

1698  Travels  in  the  Ministry  in  Ireland. 

The  Quaker  a  Christian. 

Gospel  Truths. 

Defence  against  the  Bishop  of  Cork. 

Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  God. 



1699     A  Just  Censure  of  Francis  Bugg's  Address. 

An  Account  ofGulielma  Penn  and  of  Springett  Penn 

Epistle  of  Farewell  to  Friends. 

Fruits  of  a  Father's  Love  (published  in  T726). 

Second  Visit  to  Pennsylvania. 
James  Logan  accompanies  him. 

1701  Returns  to  England. 

1702  Accession  of  Queen  Anne. 

In  Lodgings  at  Kensington,  and  then  in  a  house  at 

More  Fruits  of  Solitude. 

On  Occasional  Conformity. 

Death  of  Philip  Ford.     Troubles  with  his  widow  begin. 
1704    Wm.  Penn,  Jun.,  and    Deputy   Governor   Evans   go    to 
Unauthorised  attack  on  Penn  by  David  Lloyd. 
1705-8  Lawsuit  with  the  Fords. 

1706  Removed  to  Brentford. 

1707  Assembly  attack  Evans  and  Logan. 

1708  Penn  in  the  Fleet  Prison,  January-December. 

1709  Gookin  becomes  Deputy.     Penn  travels  in  the  ministry. 
Life  of  Sir  Bulstrode  Whitlocke. 

1710  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  makes  full  reconciliation   with 

the  Governor.     His  long  letter  to  them. 

Removal  to  Ruscombe.  \ 

Preface  to  Journal  of  John  Banks.  { 

1712     Penn's  active  life  over.     Attacks  of  paralysis.  ^ 
Assembly  puts  heavy  tax  on  import  of  negroes,  removed 

by  Home  Government.  ; 

1717  Governor  Keith  in  Pennsylvania.  j 

1718  Death  of  William  Penn.  j 


Address  to  Protestants,  125. 

Amsterdam,  107,  108,  109. 

Amusements  of  the  godless,  48. 

Amyraut,  Moses,  23,  310. 

Anne,  Queen,  291. 

Apology  for  Himself,  167. 

Aubrey,  Letitia,  302. 

Aubrey,  Wm.,  298. 

Arlington,  Lord.  41,  50. 

Arran,  Lord,  49. 

Assembly  of  Pennsylvania,  Const) 
tution,  140;  Christian,  141  ; 
First  Meeting,  161  ;  Second,  163  ; 
Impeaches  Moore,  215  ;  Quarrels 
with  Blackvvell,  217  ;  Grants 
tax,  222  ;  Argument  with 
Fletcher,  225  ;  Proposed  New 
Frame,  226  ;  255  ;  Rejects  Bill 
for  Marriage  of  negroes,  261  ; 
Taxes  importation  of  negroes, 
262  ;  Difficulties  with,  262  ; 
War  revenue,  263  ;  Their  power, 
264  ;  Their  greediness,  265 ; 
Their  poverty,  267  ;  Quarrels, 
270 ;  Reaction  in  favour  of 
Penn,  271  ;  Attacks  Logan  and 
Evans,  274  ;  Remonstrance,  274  ; 
Quarrelsome,  275  ;  New  Election 
275  ;  Provides  Revenue,  282  ; 
Taxes  importation  of  negroes, 
282  ;  Permanent         Quaker 

majority,  284  ;  Friends  resigned 
from,  284  ;  Refuses  to  help 
Thomas  Penn,  289. 

Baltimore,  Lord,  129,  161,  162,  164. 

Bancroft,  309. 

Banks,  John,  296. 

Barbadoes,  260. 

Barclay's  Apology,  46,  113. 

Barclay,  Robert,  Gov.  of  West  N.J., 
105  ;  In  Holland  and  Germany, 
107,  ;    Death,  192  ;    Preface,  198. 

Baxter,  Richard.  94. 

Berkeley,  Lord,  100,  loi. 
Bishop  of  London,  43,  44. 
Blackwell,  John,  Lt.-Governor,  216, 

Blasphemy  Bill,  240. 
Bloody  Assize,    179. 
Boyle,  Roger,  27. 
Braddock,  289. 
Bramber,  123. 
Brentford,  291. 
Bristol,  235,  237,  240. 
Buckingham,    Duke    of,    117;     His 

Book  on   Religion,    173,    190. 
Burnet,  310. 
Bugg,  Francis,  247. 
Burlington,  N.J.,  103. 
Burnet,  Bishop,  180. 
Burnyeat,  John,  192  ;    Preface,  198. 
Bushel,  49,  50,  56. 
Bylhnge,  Edward,  loi. 

Cabal  Government,  50. 
Callowhill,  Thomas,  294. 
Capital  Punishment,  131,  285. 
Carolinas,  Constitution  of,  143,  266. 
Carteret,  Sir  George,   100,   102,   105. 
Cashel,  243. 

Catholics,  Still  Persecuted,  189. 
Charles  II.,  on  Blasphemy,  42,  G3. 
Charter  of  Privileges,  263. 
Chester,  Pa.,  155,  161,  284. 
Chigwell  School,  19. 
Christian  Quaker,  81. 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  82. 
Coale,  Benjamin.  247. 
Coale,  Josiah,  loi. 
Committee   on   Trade    and    Planta- 
tions, 129,  265,  274. 
Conestoga  Indians,  290. 
Connecticut,  266. 




Conventicle  Act,  50,  57. 
Cork,  Bishop  of,  243  ;    Reply  to,  244. 
Cornish,  Henry,  179,  312. 
Cowper,  Lord  Chancellor,  294. 
Ccninterfeit    Christian    Detected,    87. 
Crisp,  Stephen,  88. 

Danby,  119. 

Dantzig,  109. 

Declaration     of     Indulgence,      79 ; 

(Second),  182,  184. 
Defence  of  the  D.   of  Buckingham' s 

Book,  173. 
De  Labadie,  76,  no. 
Delaware    State,     132,     164,     171  ; 

Secession,  217,  264,  284. 
Dialogue  Betiveen  a  Christian  and  a 

Quaker,  80. 
Dublin,  241. 

Easton,  289. 

Elisabeth  of  the  Rhine,   1 09-1 12. 

Ellwood,  Thomas,  67,  68  ;  Admira- 
tion for  Guli  Springett,  69,  70; 
Account  of  Newgate  in  his 
Autobiography,   72.   73,   74,  231. 

England's  Great  Interest,  121. 

England's  Present  Interest  Con- 
sidered, 78,  96. 

Essay  Towards  the  Peace  of  Europe, 

Evans,  John,  269,  270  ;  False  Alarm, 
271  ;  Powder  Money,  272  ; 
Refused  to  try  Logan,  272  ;  His 
Dismissal,  274. 

Everyman's  Library,  201.  206. 

Faldo,  John,  80. 

Faiiiilism,   by  Henry  Halliwell,  80. 
Farewell  Sermon,  254. 
Fell  family,  306. 
Fen  wick,  John,  loi. 
Fiction  Found  Out,  178. 
Five  Mile  Act,  72. 
Fleet  Prison,  294. 

Fletcher,  Colonel,  193,  222,  224,  226. 
Fords,  The,  268,  291-4. 
Forster,  W.  E.,  310. 
Formalism,  253. 
Fothergill,  Dr.  John,  284. 
Fox's    Journal,    46 ;       Preface    to, 

Fox,  George,  In  Prison  at  Worcester, 

95  ;    In  Holland,  107  ;    Death  of. 

191  ;     Funeral,    192  ;     Character 

Sketch,  232. 
Frame    of    Government,    137,    141  : 

New  Frame,  226,  262. 
Friendly  Association   (Indians),  289, 

Friends    Orthodox    Christians,    45.  Gaol,  115. 
Fruits  of  a  Father's  Love,  249. 
Fuller,  William,  193.  I94- 

Gaunt,  Elizabeth,  179.  312. 
Gentile  Divinity,  82. 
Germantown,   162,  290. 
Godolphin,  Sidney,  294. 
Goldney,  Henry,  292,  294,  299. 
Good     Advice     to     the     Church     of 

England,   182. 
Gookin,  Governor,  275,  283. 
Gospel  Truths,  24 1. 
Gracechurch  Street  Meeting,  51,  293. 
Guildford  Election,  121. 

Hamilton,  Andrew,  264,  267,  269. 
"  Hat  Honour,"  32,  52,  53,  54,  56,  92- 
Hicks,  Thomas,  79.  80  to  88. 
Hill,  Richard,  272,  276,  283. 
Historic  and  Inward  Christ,  89,  90. 
Holland  and  Germany,  107. 
Holy     Experiment.     Summary     of, 

Holy  War,  The,  50. 
Hough,  Dr.,  183. 
Huntley  M.S.,  21,  27,  33. 

Immortality    in    Ancient    Philoso- 
phers, 84. 

Indians,  Purchase  from,  104  ; 
Liquor,  104  ;  at  Philadelphia, 
155 ;  Treaty,  157,  214  ;  263  ; 
265  ;  Under  Logan,  288  ;  Under 
Thos.  Penn,  288  ;  War,  289,  290  ; 
Message  on  Death  of  Penn,  301. 

Informers,  126. 

Innocency  with  her  Open  Face,  44,  45. 

Invalidity    of  John    Faldo's    Vindi- 
cation, 80. 

Inward  and  Historic  Christ,  90. 

Ireland,  Visit  to,  241. 

Iroquois,  289. 



James,    Duke   of   York,    afterwards 

James    II.     Admiral,     25,     100; 

Supports      the      Charter,       128  ; 

Friendship     with     Perm,      170; 

Catholic  Tendencies,  178. 
Jasper,  Margaret,  Lady  Penn.  14,  15. 
Jenkins,  Howard  M.,   13,  237,  290. 
Jennings,  Samuel,  219. 
Jesuit,  309. 
Jordans,  64,  301. 

Judas  and  the  Jews  Combined,   93. 
Juries,  Rights  of,  50. 
Justification,  86. 
Just  Rebuke  to  One  and  Twenty  Learned 

and  Reverend  Divines,  80 
Just  Measures,  199. 

Keith,  George,  88 ;  In  Holland 
and  Germany,  107  ;  Separation, 
218,  239. 

Keith,  Sir  William,  283. 

Keithian  Friends,  261,  287. 

Kensington,  291. 

Key,  200. 

Kiffin,  34,  312. 

Kinsale,  26. 

Knightsbridge,  291. 

Lawton,  Charlewood,  175-177. 
Liberation  of  Irish  Friends,   49. 
Liberty     oj     Conscience,    The     Great 

Case  oJ,    75. 
Light,  The,  81,  85. 
Lloyd,    David,    257,  268,   270,    271, 

274,  275,  276,  283,  294. 
Lloyd,  Thomas,   165,   197,  215,  216, 

217,  256. 
Locke,  John,  21,  142,  144,  174,  195. 
Loe,    Thomas,    at     Cork,     19  ;      at 

Oxford,  21  ;    at  Cork,  28. 
Logan,   James,   255,   261,   267,   271  ; 

Impeached,   272,   275,   284,   295, 

298,  299. 
Lord  Lieutenant  of  Ireland,  Penn's 

Address  to,  49. 
Lords  of  Trade  and  Plantations,  v. 

Love  or  Luff,  John,  91. 
Lower,  Thomas,  196,  274,  306. 
Lowther,  Anthony  and  Margaret,  27. 

M.\CAULAV,  310,  313. 
Mackintosh,  311. 
Macrooin,  17,  19. 
Magdalen  College,   183,  311. 
Markham,    William,    132,    165,    214, 

217,  222,  227,  257. 
Maryland,  266. 
Maryland   Boundary  v.    Baltimore, 

Mason  and  Dixon's  Line,  171. 
Mead,   William,  Trial  of  50,  52,  53, 

54,   55  ;    Indictment,  51  ;    Trial, 

56,  57.  95.  271,  275,  306. 
Melksham,  234. 
Minisink  Indians,  288,  289, 
Moore,  Nicholas,  215. 
More  Fruits  of  Solitude,  291. 
More  Work  for  George  Keith,  238. 

National  Meeting  in  Dublin,  49. 
New   Athenians   No   Noble   Bereans, 

New  Castle,  154. 
Newgate,  54,  56,  71-75- 
New  Jersey,  100,  266. 
No     Cross      no     Crown,     45,      46  ; 

written  in  the  Tower  in  1668,  47, 

48,  58. 
Norris,   Isaac,  274,  276,   294,   295. 

Gates,  Titus,  120. 

Oath    in    Pennsylvania,    269,    270, 

Old  Bailey,  294-5. 
Oldmixon,  quoted,  282. 
One  Project  for  the  Good  of  England, 

Ormonde,  Duke  of,  26. 
Oxford,  Earl  of,  302. 

Paget,  311. 
Paralysis,  298. 
Parker,  Bishop,  183. 
Pastorius,  F.  D.,  162,  260. 
Paulet,  Earl  of,  302. 
Paxton  Boys,  290. 
Pemberton,  Israel,  289. 
Penington,  Mary,  64,  66. 
Penington,  Isaac,  63,  64,  65,  66. 
Penington,  Alderman,  65. 
Penn,  Giles,  13. 



Penn,  Guli,  144,   164  ;    Death,  229  ; 

Visits  abroad,  230. 
Penn,  Hannah  Callowhill,  237,  238, 

2q8.  302. 
Penn,  John,  299,  301,  303.  (son), 
Penn,  John,  290  (grandson). 
Penn,  Lady,  14. 
Penn,  Margaret,  see  Lowther. 
Penn,  Springett,  illness  and  death, 

235.  236. 
Penn,  Thomas,  288,  299,  303- 
Penn,    Win.    the   Admiral,    14,  ;     at 
Jamaica,    17 ;     In    Ireland,    18  ; 
Commander      under      Duke      of 
York,  25  ;    Letter  to,  30  ;    Inter- 
view,   33 ;     Illness,   43 ;     Death, 
58  ;  Last  sayings  of,  59  ;  Charac- 
ter, 61  ;    Property,  61. 
Penn,    Wm.,    Jun.,    236,    268,    270; 
His  Return,  273,  297,  298,  301, 
Penn,  William,  the  Founder,  Birth, 
15;      Childish    Vision,     20;      at 
Christchurch  21  ;    Expelled,  21  ; 
at     Paris     and     Saumur,     23  ; 
Spiritual    Conflict,   24,   26 ;     His 
Learning,    25  ;   Autobiographical 
fragment,    28  ;     A   Quaker,    32  ; 
In   Prison,    32  ;     Expelled    from 
home,     34 ;      His    Works,     34 ; 
In  the  Tower.  41  ;    Released,  45  ; 
In  Ireland,  49  ;    A  Leader,  49  ; 
Trial,  50,  52,  53,  54,  55,  56.  57  : 
Letter  to  his  father,  51;  Indict- 
ment,   51;    Imprisonment,     57; 
Release,    58  ;      His    account    of 
the  Trial,   60  ;    Public  Controv- 
ersy, 62  ;  at  Oxford,  62  ;  Letter 
to      the      Vice-Chancellor,     62  ; 
At    Penn    in    Bucks,    63,    64  ; 
Courtship,  67  ;    In  London,  71  ; 
Taken  to  the  Tower,   71  ;    Sent 
to  Newgate,  72  ;    Report  of  the 
Trial,     72  ;      Release,     75 ;      In 
Holland     and      Germany.     75 ; 
Letter    to    Dr.     Hoesbert,     76 ; 
at    Hcrwerdcn,    76 ;     Return    to 
Chalfont,     77 ;      Marriage,     77 ; 
Controversy  with   Thos.      Hicks, 
E        79  ;  Letter  to  Ludovic   Muggle- 
ton,  79  ;    Connection  with  N.  J., 
loi  ;    Writes  Constitution  for  it, 
103  ;    In  Holland  and  Germany, 
107;      In      High     Politics,     115, 
et  seq.;  Addresses  Parliamentary 
Committee,       119  ;       Guildford 

Election,  121  ;  Bramber  Election 
123  ;    Writes  Letter  to  the  Chil- 
dren   of    Light,     124  ;      Writes 
Prefaces  to  Statistical  Records  of 
Sutferings,  126  ;    Writes  Circular 
on  his  Colony,  133  ;    Death  of  his 
mother,    137  ;    Writes  Frame  of 
Government,  137;   Letter  to  wife 
and    children,     145 ;      Sails     to 
Pennsylvania,      152  ;       Farewell 
Letter  to  Colonists,   165;    Cour- 
tier, 167-185  :  Defends  Bucking- 
ham,  173  ;    to  the  Hague,   180  ; 
On    Declaration    of    Indulgence, 
182  ;   In  retirement,  193  ;   Writes 
Epistle    to    Friends,     194.     ^96; 
Liberated,  223,  228  ;  Government 
restored.  224  ;  Compromise  with 
Government,  224;  Ministry,  233  ; 
To  Pennsylvania,  249,  252 ;  Frees 
Slaves,    261  ;    Returns   to    save 
Province,   265  ;  Tries   to  sell  to 
Government,   272,    297  ;    Writes 
Letter  to  Assembly,  276  ;   In  Old 
Bailey,    294  ;    Authorship,    296  ; 
Stroke,  298  ;    Mental    weakness, 
299;   Death,  301  ;   Will,  io\  ;  His 
standing,  305  :    His  critics,  306  ; 
Strain  of  his  life,  307. 
Pennsbury,  163,  257,  304. 
Pennsylvania,    Born,    127 ;    Charter 
signed,  130;    Anglican  Chaplain, 
130;    Its  name,  130;   annexed  to 
New  York,   193;    Faction.  213; 
Happiness,  284  ;   Size,  284,  285. 

Pennsylvania  Pilgrim,  261. 
Pension  ParUament  Dissolved,   119- 
Pepys,  15,  16,  25,    26,  37,  40,    61. 
Perrot,     John,    9i-93- 
Persecution     Described,     97,      1 72  ; 

Relieved,   173. 
Persuasive  to  Moderation,  174. 
Peter  the  Great,  239,  240. 
Petition  against  Oaths,  234. 
Philadelphia,  Planned,  136  ;  Visited, 

155  ;    Plan,  156  ;    Size,  267,  283. 
Plain     Dealing    with     a    Traducing 

A  nahaptist,  80. 
Popish  Plot,  120. 
Popple.  175,  197. 
Presbyterians,  286. 
Preston,  Mrs.,  155. 
Preston,  Lord,  195. 
Primitive  Christianity  Revived,  238. 



Princess  Elisabeth  of  the  Rhine,  76, 

Proprietary  Governments,  266. 
Public  Grammar  School,  217. 

Quaker  a  Christian,  241, 
Quakerism  on  the  Continent,  113. 
Quakerism      no       Christianity,       by 

John  Faldo.    80, 
Quakerism  a  New  Nickname  for    Old 

Christianity,  80. 
Quarry,    Col.,    227,    257,    267,    269, 

273,  287,  294,  299. 

Reaction  in  Governor's  Favour,  271. 

Reading,  299. 

Reason  against  Railing,  86. 

Religion  in  Youth,  22,  29. 

Remonstrance  of  Assemblj',  274. 

Restoration  Drama,  47. 

Revenue     Difficulties,     262,     270 ; 

Loyalty,  271. 
Revolution,   185. 
Rhode  Island,  266. 
Rickmansworth,   77,  94,    102,   304. 
Rights  of  Juries,  50. 
Rise  and  Progress,  231. 
Robinson,  Sir  John,  41. 
Rodes,  Sir  John,  249. 
Rotterdam,   108. 
Rous,  Margaret,  306. 
Ruscombe,  297,  304. 

Sale  to  Crown  attempted,  297. 

Salee,  14. 

Salem,  N.  J.,  102,  272. 

Sanday,  Dr.,  91. 

Sandy  Foundation  Shaken,  40. 

Saumur,  23,  310, 

Seasonable  Caveat  against  Popery,  A . 

Separation    from    the   World,    253. 
Serious  Apology  for  Quakers,  75. 
Seven  Bishops,  Trial,   185. 
Seven  Years  War,  284,  287. 
Shackamaxon,  Treaty,  at,  157. 
Shaftesbury,  117,  120. 
Shangarry,     18  ;      Lawsuit,     27 ; 

Unprofitable,  187. 
Sidney,     Algernon,     23,     117,     124; 

Letter  to,  135. 

Sidney.  Henry,  Lord  Romney,  123  ; 

162,  195. 
Slavery,  136,  260,  261,  28^. 
Smith,  Aaron,  176. 
Society  of  Free  Traders,  Letter  to, 


Socrates,  8^,  84. 

Some  Fruits  of  Solitude,  205. 

Spencer,  Robert,  Earl  of  Sunderland, 

Spirit  of  Alexander  the  Coppersmith 

Spirit  of  the  Hat,  93. 
Spirit  of  the  Quakers  Tried,  79. 
Spirit  of  Truth  Vindicated,  79. 
Springett,  Lady,  65,  66. 
Springett,  Wm.,  66. 
Springett,   GuUelma  Maria,   64,   66 


Srpingett,  Herbert,  292,  294. 

Standard  Book  of  Friends'  Practice 

Starling,  Lord  Mayor  of  London    ■ji 
60.  ^ 

Stillingfleet,  44,  45. 
S.  Omer,  178. 

Story,  Thomas,  239,  300,  301,  305. 
Stuart,  Jane,  112. 
Subliminal  Self,  89,  90. 
Sunderland,  Earl  of,  117,  128. 
Swift,  Dean,  305. 

Taunton  Schoolgirls,  311. 

Tedyuscung,  289,  90. 

Test  Act,  95. 

Testimony  to  the  Truth  of  God,  247. 

Testimony  by   Reading  M.M.,   303. 

Tillotson,  178,  179,  195,  304. 

Toleration  Act,  188.  , 

Toleration  in  Pennsylvania,  264. 

Tower  of  London,  41. 

Treatise  on  Oaths,  78,  95. 

Treaty  of  Dover,  63. 

Treaty  with  Indians,  157. 

Trenchard,  Jack,  175. 

Trinity,  39,  40,  45. 

Truth  Exalted,  35. 

Truth  Rescued  from  Imposture,  60,  75. 

Turner,  Robert,  130,  135,  220. 

Tyranny  and  Hypocrisy  detected,  93. 



Universality  of  the  Divine  Light, 

Uritn  and  Thummin,  80. 

Vanity,  Customs  and  Fashions,  47. 
Vices,  48. 

Vincent,  Thomas,  39. 
Vindication,  by  John  Faldo,  80. 
Visitation  to  the  Jews,  233. 

Walking  Purchase,  289. 
Wanstead,  19,  44,  58. 
War   Tax,    222,    263 ;     Effects    of, 
267,   286. 

Waterford,  242. 

Webb,  Maria,  67. 

West  New  Jersey,  103,  105. 

Whitehead,  George,  39,  88,  199,  274, 

Whitlocke,  Sir  Bulstrode,  296. 
Wilcocks  beats  Evans,  261. 
WilUam  of  Orange,  180,  311. 
Winding     Sheet     for     Controversy 

Ended,  80. 
Wisdom  Justified  of  Her  Children,  80. 
Witchcraft,  163. 
Worminghurst,  102  ;    hours  at,   144, 

240 ;   Sold,  291. 

Headley  Brothers,  Printers,  iB,  Devonshire  Street    E.G. ;  and  Ashford,  Kent. 



Portrait  in  Armour.     {Frontispiece.) 

The  late  R.  Pearsall  Smith,*  in  his  interesting  notes  on 
Penn  portraits  (MS.  in  Friends'  Reference  Library,  Devonshire 
House,  Bishopsgate,  London)  says  : — "  When  in  Ireland,  Penn's 
portrait  in  armour  was  painted  at  the  age  of  twenty-two,  when 
he  had  '  a  modish  person  grown — quite  the  fine  gentleman.'  Of 
this  there  are  four  painted  copies  in  existence.  One  belongs 
to  Dugald  Stuart,  Esq.,  of  Tempsford  Hall,  Bedfordshire,  the 
present  representative  of  the  descendants  of  that  branch  of  the 
Penns  who  inherited  his  Pennsylvanian  interests.  A  second 
is  at  the  residence  of  Lord  Dumfurlane  in  Ireland.  A  third  was 
given  to  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania  by  the  late 
Granville  John  Penn,  Esq.,  of  Stoke  Park,  Windsor.  The  fourth 
is  at  Pennsylvania  Castle  in  the  Isle  of  Portland,  on  the  south 
coast  of  England,  built  by  the  Penns  early  in  the  nineteenth 
century  and  now  the  property  of  J.  Merrick  Head,  Esq.  From 
internal  evidence  and  the  fact  of  the  descent  of  this  pauiting 
through  the  successive  heads  of  the  family  for  four  generations, 
it  is  highly  probable  or  even  certain,  that  this  is  the  original  from 
which  the  others  have  been  painted." 

Penn's  Treaty  with  the  Indians  (facing  p.  i6o.) 

When  Benjamin  West  painted  his  picture  no  likeness  of  Penn 
seems  to  have  been  available,  and  Penn's  features  bear  no  resem- 
blance to  the  authentic  Bevan  ivory  medallion  described  later. 
Moreover,  the  artist  has  painted  Penn  as  an  elderly  man,  whereas 
when  the  first  famous  treaty  was  made  with  the  Indians,  he 
was  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  very  active  (see  page  157).  Mr. 
Joshua  Francis  Fisher,  who  wrote  a  sketch  of  the  private  life  of 
Penn  very  justly  says :  "  Mr.  West  and,  I  beheve,  all  the  other 
painters  who  have  introduced  the  early  Quakers  into  their  pictures, 
are  chargeable  with  very  great  mistakes  in  the  costumes  which 
they  have  selected  for  them  ;  in  many  instances  giving  them  hats 

*  R,  Pearsall  Smith's  Notes  were  compiled  some  years  ago,  and  certain 
changes  in  ownership  have  taken  place. 



and  coats  of  a  form  not  even  invented  for  half  a  century  after  the 
date  of  the  scene  they  wished  to  represent  on  their  canvas." 
West  probably  painted  the  dresses  from  his  recollections  of  what 
he  had  seen  worn  by  the  Friends  in  his  early  years  in  Pennsylvania 
about  1730. 

Mr.  Pearsall  Smith  adds  that  "  the  other  figures  in  the  picture 
are  authenticated  by  tradition.  Mrs.  Margaret  Hill  Hilles, 
when  a  child,  was  taken  by  James  Logan,  Jr.,  to  see  the  engraving 
of  West's  picture.  Mr.  Logan,  placing  his  finger  on  the  figure 
holding  the  parchment,  said,  '  that's  my  father  ;  and  the  one 
looking  between  the  other  two  is  Governor  Thomas  Lloyd.  The 
one  behind  and  next  to  James  Logan  is  Thomas  Story,  and  beyond 
him  is  Samuel  Carpenter.  The  principal  Indian  chief  is  Wingo- 
hocking."  In  a  letter  to  his  brother  William  West  of  Derby, 
dated  July  12th,  1775,  Benjamin  West  says :  "  In  the  group  of 
Friends  that  accompany  WilUam  Penn,  that  is  the  likeness  of  our 
brother  who  stands  immediately  behind  Penn,  resting  on  his 
cane."  It  is  not  to  be  concluded  that  these  Friends  were 
actually  present  ;  not  more  than  two  of  them  can  have  been. 

The  Bevan  Medallion  of  Penn  (facing  p.  296). 

Mr.  R.  Pearsall  Smith  saw  this  Penn  medallion  in  1845  in 
the  possession  of  Paul  Bevan,  a  Friend  of  Tottenham,  the 
grandfather  of  Alfred  Waterhouse,  to  whom  it  descended.  The 
circumstances  of  its  origin  are  related  in  a  letter  to  his  corres- 
pondent for  thirty  years,  Henry  Home,  Lord  Kames,  by 
Benjamin  Franklin :  "  When  Lord  Cobham  was  setting  up  the 
statues  of  famous  men  in  his  garden  at  Stowe,  he  made  inquiry 
for  a  likeness  of  Penn,  but  could  find  none.  Sylvanus  Bevan, 
a  Quaker,  who  had  a  great  talent  for  cutting  likenesses  of  persons 
whom  he  had  known,  hearing  of  Lord  Cobham's  desire,  set  himself 
to  recollect  Penn's  face,  with  which  he  had  been  well  acquainted. 
From  his  accurate  memory  he  cut  this  very  ivory  medallion 
and  sent  it  to  Lord  Cobham  without  any  letter  or  information. 
On  receiving  it,  my  lord,  who  had  personally  known  Penn, 
immediately  exclaimed,  '  Whence  came  this  ?  It  is  William 
Penn  himself.'  " 

The   "  Place  "   Portraits   of  William   and  Hannah  Penn 
(facing  pp.  238  and  241). 

These  portraits  are  by  William  Place,  a  Durham  artist,  and 
were  long  in  the  possession  of  Surtees,  the  historian  of  Durham. 
They  are  now  at  Blackwell  Grange  in  the  possession  of  Sir 
Henry  Havelock  Allen.  The  question  has  been  raised  as  to 
whether  the  portrait  is  that  of  William  Penn's  father,  but  the 
artist  only  worked  during  a  very  few  years  of  Admiral  Penn's 


Ufe,  and  during  those  years  he  hved  at  York,  whilst  Admiral 
Penn  was  in  London.  Copies  of  these  pictures  have  been 
made  for  America,  and  have  been  placed  in  Independence  Hall 

Portrait  of  Gulielma  Maria  Penn. 

The  original  of  this  portrait  is  a  painting  on  glass  in  the 
possession  of  the  descendants  of  Henry  Swan,  of  Holmwood, 
Dorking,  wlio  died  in  1769.  It  was  given  to  him  by  John 
Townsend,  of  London,  at  an  unknown  date,  and  along  with  it 
one  of  WilUam  Penn.— From  "  Penns  and  Peninstons  "  hv 
Maria  Webb.  '       ^ 

There  is  considerable  divergence  of  opinion  among  authorities 
on  Penn  as  to  the  authenticity  of  the  portrait.  A  somewhat 
similar  portrait  of  Hannah  Middleton  Gurney,  first  engraved  in 
1746,  is  in  existence  under  the  title  of  "  The  Fair  Quakeress." 

In  the  Friends'  Institute  Collection  in  London'^there  is  an  oil 
painting  said  to  be  Gulielma  Penn  in  middle  Ufe,  but  there  is 
very  little  evidence  as  to  its  genuineness. 

Indian  Treaty  Belt  (facing  p.  261). 

Consisting  of  strings  of  wampum,  the  ground  white,  with 
diagrams  of  violet-coloured  beads.  Originally  there  were'  three 
belts  which  belonged  to  the  Penn  family,  one  being  presented 
by  Granville  John  Penn,  great  grandson  of  William  Penn,  to 
the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania.  These  belts  formed  an 
important  part  in  negotiating  or  carrying  out  transactions  with 
the  Indians.  "  By  these  means,"  writes  Clarkson,  "  the  Indians 
pledged  themselves  to  live  in  love  with  William  Penn  and  his 
children  as  long  as  the  Sun  and  Moon  should  endure."  The 
two  figures  in  the  centre  are  evidently  intended  to  represent  an 
Indian  grasping  the  hand  of  friendship  of  a  European.  Wampum 
is  manufactured  from  a  species  of  sea-shell. 

Letter  of  William  Penn  to  Margaret  Fox  (facing  p.  192). 

Lond.  13th  II  mo.,  90  (Jan.  91). 
Dear  M.  Fox, 

With  the  dear  remembrance  of  my  unfeigned  love  in 
Christ  Jesus,  I  am  to  be  the  teller  to  you  of  sorrowful  tidings  as  I 
may  caU  it  in  some  sense,  which  is  this  that  thy  dear  husband 
and  my  beloved  and  dear  friend,  G.  Fox,  has  finished  his  glorious 
testimony  this  night  about  half  an  hour  after  nine,  being  sensible 
to  the  last  breath.  O  he  is  gone  and  left  us  in  the  storm  that 
is  over  our  heads,  surely  in  great  mercy  to  him,  but  as  an  evidence 
to  us  of  sorrow  to  come.     He  was  as  living  and  firm  Fourth  Day 


last  was  a  week  at  Gracechurch  Street  and  this  last  First  Day, 
being  the  day  before  yesterday,  but  complained  after  meeting 
of  being  inwardly  struck,  and  lay  ever  since  at  H{enry)  Gol(dneys), 
where  he  departed.  My  soul  is  deeply  affected  with  this  hasty 
great  loss ;  surely  it  portends  to  us  great  evils  to  come.  A  prince 
indeed  is  fallen  in  Israel  to-day. 

I  cannot  enlarge,  for  I  shall  write  to  several  to-night,  and  it  is 

The  Lord  be  with  thee  and  thine,  and  us  all.     Amen. 

I  am  thy  faithful  and  affect,  friend, 


Present :  Ro.  Barrow,  J.  Taylor,  J.  Vaughton,  J.  Field,  J. 
Butcher,  Sam  Waldrenfield  and  myself.  G.  W(hitehead)  and 
S.  Cr(isp)  were  here  about  two  hours  since. 

He  died  as  he  lived,  a  lamb,  minding  the  things  of  God  and  His 
church  to  the  last  in  an  universal  Spirit. 

JoRDANS  Meeting  House  and  Burial  Ground  (facing  pp.  95 
and  304). 

It  was  in  1671  that  Jordans  was  conveyed  from  a  certain 
WiUiam  Russell,  a  Quaker  farmer,  to  Thomas  Ellwood  and 
others  to  be  used  as  a  burial  ground  by  the  Friends.  At  this 
time  Friends  had  several  temporary  meeting-houses  in  the 
neighbourhood.  One  was  at  Old  Jordans  Farm,  just  above  the 
burial  ground  on  the  road  to  Chalfont  St.  Giles.  This  farm  was 
purchased  a  few  years  ago  by  Friends  and  enlarged  for  use  as 
a  hostel  for  visitors  to  the  neighbourhood.  The  present  Meeting- 
house was  built  in  1688. 

In  the  burial  ground  very  few  of  the  graves  have  headstones. 
At  one  time  Friends  had  a  strong  objection  to  anything  of 
the  kind,  and  it  has  only  been  within  recent  years  that  the  graves 
of  William  Penn  and  his  family  have  been  thus  marked.  The 
founder  of  Pennsylvania  lies  buried  in  the  same  grave  as  his 
second  wife,  Hannah  Penn,  the  fair  Gulielma  Maria  {nee  Springett) 
lying  between  it  and  that  of  her  noble-hearted  mother,  Mary 

*^|     i<Ld^ 

Deacldifled  using  the  Bookkeeper  process. 
Neutralizing  Agent:  Magnesium  Oxide 
Treatment  Date: 


1 1 1  Thomson  Park  Dnvo 
Cranberry  Township.  PA  16066